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ANCIENT  HISTORY 


OF 


UNIVERSALISM: 

FROM  THE  TIME  OF  THE  APOSTLES,  TO  ITS  CONDEMNATION 
IN  THE  FIFTH  GENERAL  COUNCIL,  A.  D.  553. 


AIV    APPEJVDIX, 


TRACING    THE   DOCTRINE   DOWN  TO   THE 


iSra  of  tije  Btfotmcttidu. 


BY  HOSEA  BAL.LOU,  2d. 

Pastor  of  the  Universalist  Church  and  Society  in  Roxbury. 


BOSTON: 

MARSH  AND  CAPEN,  362  WASHINGTON-ST. 

1829. 


«.1(5^  •<$; 


DISTRICT    OF    MASSACHUSETTS,  TO  WIT  : 

District  Clerk's  Office. 

Be  it  remembered,  that  on  the  thirtieth  day  of  October,  A.  D. 
1828,  in  the  fifty  third  year  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  Hosea  Ballon,  2d,  of  the  said  district,  has  deposited  in 
this  Office  the  title  of  a  book,  the  right  whereof  he  claims  as  propri- 
etor, in  the    words  followung,  to  wit : — 

"The  Ancient  History  of  Universalism  :  from  the  time  of  the 
Apostles,  to  its  condemnation  in  the  Fifth  General  Council  A.D.553. 
With  an  Appendix,  tracing  the  doctrine  down  to  the  era  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. By  Hosea  Ballon,  2d,  Pastor  of  the  Universalist  Church  and  So- 
ety  in  Roxbury." 

In  conformity  to  the  actof  the  Congress  of  the  U.  States,  entitled  "an 
act  for  the  encouragement  of  learning,  by  securing  the  copies  of 
maps,  charts,  and  books,  to  the  authors  and  proprietors  of  such  copies 
during  the  times  therein  mentioned  :"  and  also  an  act,  entitled  "  an 
act  supplementary  to  an  act,  entitled,  an  act  for  the  encouragement 
of  learning,  by  securing  the  copies  of  maps,  charts,  and  books  to  the 
authors  and  proprietors  of  such  copies  during  the  times  therein  men- 
tioned ;  and  extending  the  benefits  thereof  to  the  arts  of  designing, 
engraving,  and  etching  historical  and  other  prints." 

JOHN  W.DAVIS, 

Clerk  of  the  District  of  Mass. 


DOW    AND    NILES,    PRINTERS. 
3G2  Washington  st. —  boston. 


CONTENTS. 


Preface -  Page  18 

CHAPTER  I. 
Opinions  entertained  hy  the  christians,  froin  A.  D.  90,  to 
A.  D.  150,  concerning  future  punishment,  and  the  eventual 
salvation  of  the  world,  exhibited  hy  means  of  all  the  relative 
passages  in  the  Orthodox  ivrntings  extant  of  this  period,  and 
hy  a  summary  statement  of  the  doctrine  of  the  early  Gnos- 
tic sects. 

A.  D.  SECT. 

Extent,  condition,  and  common  faith  of 
90       the  Orthodox  and  Heretics.  1 

The  Orthodox.     Titles  and  character 
of  their  writings  yet  extant.      -  -  2 

90 — 95         Epistle  of  Clemens  Romanus.     Date  of 
94 — 100  St.  John's  writings,  and  time  of  his  death.       13 

107  or  116       Epistles  of    Ignatius.     Relation  of  his 

Martyrdom.  -  -  _  4 

108  or  117      Epistle  of  Polycarp.     -  -  -        5 

Corruptions  introduced  into  the  Church. 
116  to  126  Papias.  Aristides.  The  Greek  Philosophy.  6 
131            Epistle  of  Barnabas.              -             -  7 
About  150        Shepherd  of  Hermas.                 -             -  8 
90  to  150       The  Gnostic  Christians.     Their  gen- 
eral doctrine  and  character.     -             -  9 
About  120       The  Basilidians.           -             -             -  10 
do.           The  Carpocratians.              -             -  11 


4  CONTENTS. 

A.  D.  SECT. 

About  130       The  Valentinians.  -  -  12 

What  notions  of  the  Gnostics  were  pe- 
culiarly odious  to  the  Orthodox.  -  13 

CHAPTER    II. 
Opinions  of  the  christians  from  A.  D.    150,  to  A.  D. 
199,  concerning  future  punislimenty  and  the  eventual  salvation 
of  the  world,  illustrated  hy  extracts  from  cdlthe  authors  ex- 
tant of  this  period,  who  have  introduced  the  subject, 

A.  D.  SECT. 

Increase  of  Heretics.     Gnostics.     Ebi- 
loO       onites.     Character  of  the  Orthodox.  1 

Change  in  the  character  of  the  christian 
writings.  Titles  of  those  extant  of  this 
period.  -  -  -  -  2 

— 150 —  The  Sibylline  Oracles,  containing  the 
earliest  explicit  assertion  of  a  restoration  of 
the  damned.    -  -  -  -  3 


150  to  162 

The  works  of  Justin  Martyr. 

4 

160—170 

Relation  of  the  Martyrdom  of  Polycarp. 

5 

170 

Oration  of  Tatian. 

(3 

173 

Ecclesiastical  History,  by  Hegesippus. 

7 

177 

Epistle  of  the  Churches  of  Lyons   and 

Vienna.             .             _             .             _ 

8 

178  to  180 

Works  of  Athenagoras. 

9 

181 

Treatise  of  Theophilus. 

10 

180—190 

Works  of  Irenasus.         -             -             _ 
Summary  of  the  first  two  Chapters.  Re- 

11 

marks.             -             _             .             _ 

12 

Necessary  change   in  the  plan  of  this 

History.     -             -             -             -             - 

13 

CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  in. 
Clemens  Alexandrinus,    and  Ids  Cotcmporaries  ;  or  the 
Opinions  of  the  Christians  from  A.  D.  190,  to  A.  D.  230, 
concerning  the  future  state. 

A.  D.  SECT. 

190  to  196  Clemens  Alexandrinus,  a  Universalist. 
His  own  testimonies.  His  views  of  the 
future  state.  -  .  .  i 

His  general  system  of  doctrine.  His 
standing  in  the  Orthodox  church.  -  'Z 

His  life.  -  -  -  -      3 

His  character.  -  -  _  4 

200  to  204      Tertullian,  a  believer  in  endless  misery.      5 
210  Minucius  Felix.  -  -  -      6 

Common  notions  among  the  Orthodox 
concerning  the  state  of  the  dead,  and  the 
near  approach  of  the  last  judgment.         -  7 

Concise  account  of  the  state  of  Univer- 
salism  among  the  Orthodox  and  Gnostics.         8 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Origen,  and  his  Doctrine. 

230  Origen's  renown.  His  books  Of  Principlec.  ( 

His  testimony  in  favor  of  Universalism 
and  Pre-existence.  -  -  -        2 

His  Life  from  A.  D.  185  to  A.  D.  203.         3 
''     203  "      216.         4 

"     216  "       230.         5 

His  first  publications.     The  general  sys- 
tem of  doctrine  taught  in  them.  -  6 
His  rule  for  interpreting  the  Scriptures.       7 


b  CONTENTS. 

A.  D.  SECT, 

His  life  from  A.  D.  230  to  A.  D.  245.  8 

245           "       253.  9 

His  character.              -             -             -  10 
230  to  253      Universal  ism  a  favorite  topic  with   him. 

Additional  testimonies.           -             -  11 

The  manner  in  which  he  taught  it.  12 

CHAPTER  V. 
Origoi's  ScJwlars  and  Cotemporaries  ;    or  Opinions  of 
the  christians  from  A.  D.  230  to  A.  D.   270,   concerning 
Univcrsalism. 

Difficulty  in  ascertaining  the  extent  to 
which  Universalism  prevailed.  Origen's 
influence.  -  -  -  -        1 

Eastern  Churches.  Alexander,  bishop 
of  Jerusalem  ;  and  Theoctistus,  bishop  of 
Cesarea  in  Palestine.  -  -  2 

Heraclas,  bishop  of  Alexandria.  -       3 

Ambrosius,  Origen's  patron.  -  4 

Firmilian,  bishop  of  Cesarea  in  Cappadocia.5 
Gregory  Thaumaturgus,  and  Athenodo- 
rus,  bishops  of  Pontus.  .  _  g 

Heretics,  of  all  kinds.  -  -      7 

249  to  258      Western  Churches.     Cyprian  bishop 

of  Carthage.  -  -  -  -  8 

250  to  270      Character,  condition,  and  general   doc- 

trine of  the  Orthodox.  -  -  9 

Appendix  to  Chapter  v.       The  Manicheans. 
Extensive  and  lasting  consequences  of 
their  heresy.     Its  author,  Mani's  Life.  1 

265  His  general  system  of  doctrine.  -  2 


CONTENTS.  7 

A.  D.  SECT. 

Its  reception  among  the  Persians  and 
Greeks,  and  its  first  appearance  within  the 
limits  of  the  Roman  Empire.  -  3 

CHAPTER  VI. 
History  of  Origen's  doctrine  from  A.  D.  254  to  A.   D 
390;  and  of  the  opinions  entertained  hy  the  christians,  in  the 
meantime,  concerning  the  future  state. 

Design  and  plan  of  this  Chapter.  Nepos 

revives  in  Egypt  the  doctrine  of  the  Mil- 

257  to  263  lennium,  against  Origen  ;  but  is  refuted.  1 

Origen's  popularity.     He  is  imitated  by 

some  Egyptian  writers.     His  doctrine   at- 

280—290  tacked  by  Methodius,  bishop  of  Tyre.    He 

290—300  is  imitated  by  Victorinus.  -  2 

About  300      Peter,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  reproaches 

his  memory.  _  _  _  3 

305,  306         Arnobius,  and  Lactantius.     Their  opin- 
ions concerning  the  future  state.  -  4 
Complaints  in  the  East  against  Origen's 
307  to  310  doctrine.  Pamphilus  and  Eusebius's  Apol- 
ogy for  him.           -             -             -             -      5 

Evidence  that  Universalism  was  not  un- 
popular, and  that  Pamphilus  and  Eusebius 
were  favorably  disposed  towards  it.        -  6 

Livesof  Pamphilus  and  Eusebius.         -         7 
Arian  controversy.     Origen's  name  and 
32P'to  360  doctrine  somewhat  involved.  -  8 

Origen's  notions  attacked  by  Eustathius, 
bishop  of    Antioch,   and  by  Apollinarius, 
'  bishop  of  Laodicea.  -  -  -9 


8  CONTENTS. 

A.  D.  SECT. 

347  to  370  Opinions  of  the  fathers  concerning  fu- 
ture punishment.  Athanasius,  Cyrill  of 
Jerusalem,  Ephraim  the  Syrian,  and  Hilary 
of  Poitiers.  -  -  -  -    10 

360  to  370      Titus,  bishop  of  Bostra,  a  Universalist.       11 
370  Basil  the  Great,   bishop  of  Cappadocia.      12 

Gradual  rise,  and  permanent  establishment 
of  the  monastic  institution.     The  Origen- 
370  to  376  ists.    Their  chief  retreat  at  Nitria.         -         13 
376  They  are  attacked  by  Epiphanius,  bishop 

of  Cyprus.     -  -  -  -  14 

370  to  383  Many  of  the  Orthodox  fathers  in  the 
East,  are  Universalists.  Gregory  Nazian- 
zen's  indecision.  -  -  -         15 

His  life,  eloquence  and  character.  16 

Gregory  Nyssen's  testimony  in  favor  of 
Universalism.  -  -  -  17 

His  general  system  of  doctrine.  His 
works,  life,  and  reputation  among  the  Or- 
thodox. -  -  -  -  18 

Didymus  of  Alexandria  a  Universalist. 
His  life,  character,  and  works.  -  19 

380  to  390      Jerome  a  Universalist.     His  early   life. 

His  friendship  with  Rufinus.  -  20 

390  Evagrius  Ponticus  a  Universalist.     His 

life.  .  -  -  .  21 

Most  of  the  leading  Origenists  perhaps 

Universalists.     Palladius  of  Galatia.     Isi- 

dorus   of  Alexandria.        John,   bishop   of 

Jerusalem.  -  -  -  -   22 

Western  Fathers.     Ambrose,  bishop 

384  to  390  of  Milan.  Ambrosiaster,  or  Hilary  deacon 


CONTENTS.  y 

A.  D.  SECT. 

384to390of  Rome;     their   opinions  of  the  future 

state.  _  -  -  -  23 

Heretics.  The  Arians  of  this  century. 
SabelHans.  Novatians,  and  other  schismat- 
icks.  The  Manicheans ;  their  opinions 
concerning  Universalism.  -  -       24 

CHAPTER  VII. 

The  Contest  icith  the  Origenists,  from  A.  D.  391  to  A. 
D.  404  ;  in  ichich  Universalism  is  for  the  first  time  censured^ 
and  in  part  condemned. 

391  Principal  bishops  in  Christendom.  Prin- 

cipal writers.  Persons  mentioned  in  the 
preceding  chapter.  Banishment  of  the 
Arians.     Quiet  of  the  Church.  -  1 

Epiphanius's  attack  upon  John  of  Jeru- 
salem in  his  church.     His  ordination  of 

393  Paulinianus,  Jerome's  brother.  Complaints 

of  John.  -  -  -  -  2 

394  Epiphanius's  Letter  to  John,  with  his 
catalogue  of  Origen's  errors,  in  which 
Universalism  is  for  the  first  time  censured.       3 

The  disturbance  in  Palestine.      Jerome 

395  sides  with  Epiphanius  against  John  and 
Rufinus.  -  _  -  -         4 

Letter  of  Isidorus.  Attempt  of  Arche- 
laus  to  reconcile  the  parties  in  Palestine. 
Mission  of  Isidorus  from  Theophilus,  arch- 
bishop of  Alexandria.  His  partiality  to 
John.  _  -  -  -  5 

396  He  assists  John  in  composing  an  Answer 

to  Epiphanius,  or  Apology  to  Theophilus.         6 


10  CONTENTS. 

A.  D.  SECT. 

396  Tlie  christians  at  Rome  are  variously 
affected  by  these  publications ;  and  some 
of  them  request  information  from  Jerome. 

397  He  writes  them  an  Answer  to  John's  Apol  - 
ogy.  He  receives  a  letter  from  Theophi- 
lus,  and  replies.  His  influence,  and  appli- 
cation to  Augustine.  -  -  -     7 

Reconciliation  between  Jerome  and 
Rufinus.  Rufinus  goes  to  Rome  with  Me- 
lania,  translates  and  publishes  the  first 
book  of  the  Apology  for  Origen,  and  Ori- 
gen's  books  Of  Principles,  and  covertly 
attacks  Jerome.  Spread  of  Origenism  at 
397,  398  Rome.  -  ...  8 

Jerome  receives  those  works,  writes  to 
398  or  399  Rufinus,  and  composes  a  Defence  of  him- 
self, in  which  he  denies  a  restoration  from 
hell,  and  states  Origen's  chief  errors.        -         9 

Theophilus  is  assailed  by  the  Anthropo- 
morphites  of  Egypt,  quarrels  with  Isidorus 
and  the  Nitrian  monks,  and  takes  up 
against  the  Origenists.  Assembles  a  coun- 
cil at  Alexandria,  in  which  Origen's  doc- 

399  trine  and  books  are,  for  the  first  time, 
formally  condemned.  Description  of  Ni- 
tria.  Theophilus  enters  the  place  with  a 
band  of  soldiers;  before  whom  the  Origen- 
ists flee  to  Palestine.  Conduct  of  John  of 
Jerusalem.  Exultation  of  Theophilus, 
Epiphanius  and  Jerome.     Council  at  Cy- 

400  prus,  and  decree  of  the  Roman  Pontiff 
against  Origen's  works.  -  -         10 


CONTEXTS. 


11 


A.  D.  SECT. 

Points  of  his  doctrine  condemned    in 
400       these  proceedings.     How  his  condemna- 
tion was  received  by  the  orthodox  in  gen- 
eral. -  -  -  -  11 
Deputation   sent  by  Theophilus  against 
400       the   Origenists    to   Chrysostom,  bishop  of 
Constantinople.     The  Origenists  proceed 
thither,  and  are  favorably  received.       Per- 
to         secution  and  exile  of  Chrysostom.     Death 
of  Epiphanius,  Isidorus,   and  the  leaders 
of  the  Origenists.     Reconciliation  of  The- 

403  ophilus  with  the  rest.  -  -  12 

Paschal  Epistles  of  Theophilus  to  the 
401  to  404  Egyptian   churches  against  Origen's  doc- 
trine. -  -  -  -  13 
Italy.     The  Roman  Pontiff  cites  Rufi- 
400  to  404  nus  to  appear  before  him  on   a  charge  of 
heresy;  rejects  the  Apology  which  Rufinus 
sends;  and  condemns  him,     Runnus's  se- 
cret Invective  against  Jerome.  Extracts  of 
it  privately  sent  to  Jerome.             -              -    14 

Jerome,  in  answer,  writes  his  Apology 
against  Rufinus  ;  in  which  he  defends 
himself,  accuses  Rufinus,  denies  Univer- 
sdism,  and  gives  a  catalogue  of  Origen's 
principal  errors.  Rufinus  is  exasperated, 
and  threatens.  Jerome  adds  the  conclusion 
to  his  Apology  against  Rufinus.  -         15 

404  End   of  the    Contest.      Review   of  its 
character.  -  -  -  -     16 


12  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
History  of  Univei^salism  from  A,  D.  405  to  A.  D.  500. 

A.  D.  SECT. 

Division  of  the  Roman  Empire  into  Eas- 
tern and  Western.  Disorders  and  weakness 
405       of  the  State.     Progress  of  the  Church  to- 
wards supreme  power.     Contest  with   the 
Donatists.         .  -  -  - 

405  The  Origenists  find    repose.      Rufinus, 

Melania,  John  of  Jerusalem,  Evagrius  Pon- 
ticus,  and  Palladius  of  Galatia.  Theoph- 
ilus  grows  attached  again  to  Origen's 
to  works.  His  death.  Jerome  avails  him- 
self of  Origen's  authority,  though  he  in- 
veighs against  the  Origenists.  His  pres- 
ent professed  views  of  future  punishment. 
412       Perhaps,  in  secret,  a  Universalist  still.  2 

The  orthodox  of  this  age  divided  into  five 
classes  with  regard  to  their  notions  of  fu- 
ture punishment,  and  of  the  final  extent  of 
salvation.  -  -  -  -         3 

Universalists  in  Spain,  under  the  two 
410  to  415  Avituses,  Basil,  &c.  Their  peculiar 
opinions.  Augustine,  by  request  of  the 
Spanish  bishops,  writes  against  them.  His 
criticism  on  the  Greek  word  translated  ev- 
erlasting. His  arguments  against  Univer- 
salism.  -  .  _  _  4 

His  influence,  talents  and  character. 
He  was  the  author  of  the  doctrine  of  total 
depravity,  irresistible  grace,  and  sovereign^ 
partial  election.  -  -  5 


CONTEINTS.  13 

A.  D.  SECT. 

Unfavorable   influence  of  that  doctrine 
against  Universalism.  -  -  6 

412  Account    of  its  introduction.    Pelagius 

and  Celestius  teach  their  heresy  ;   and  Au- 
to       gustine,  in  opposing  them,  runs  to  the  op- 
posite  extreme.       Other  opposers   of  the 
418       Pelagians.  -  -  -  -       7 

413  to  420  Pelagius  patronized  by  John  of  Jerusa- 
lem. Death  and  character  of  the  latter. 
Death  of  Jerome.  -  -  .  8 

420  to  429      Theodorus  of  Mopsuestia,  a  Universal- 

ist.     His  life,  character,  and  works.         -         9 
430  to  450      Universalism  prevails  around  Cesarea  in 
Palestine  ;    but  no  traces  of  the  doctrine 
afterwards  can  be  discovered,  till  the   end 
of  this  century.  -  -  -  10 

450  to  500  Probable  cause  of  this  silence  may  be 
found  in  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  com- 
motions which  engrossed  the  public  atten- 
tion. Fall  of  the  Western  Empire.  Nes- 
torian  controversy  in  the  East.  -  11 

Manicheans  and  Gnostics  of  this  century.   12 

CHAPTER  IX. 
Revival  and  progress  of  Origenism  in  Palestine  ;    and 
final  condemnation  of  Universalism  in  the  Fifth  General 
Council. 

View  of  (he  Solitude  between  Jerusalem 
and  the  Dead  Sea.  -  -  -       1 

Lauras  and  monasteries  in  that  region, 
500       Character  of  Sabas.     Renewal   of   a   dis- 
2 


14  CONTENTS. 

A.   D.  SECT. 

501  to  507  affection  in  his  Laura ;    and  the  founding 

of  Nova  Laura.  -  -  -  2 

514  Nonnus,  Leontius,  and  other  Origenists 

admitted  into  Nova  Laura.     Their  tenets. 
Their  expulsion;  and  re- admission.  Their 
to        doctrine  spreads  in  the  country.     The  af- 
fair introduced,  by  Sabas,  to  the  notice  of 

531  the  emperor  Justinian.  -  -  3 

Death  of  Sabas  ;    and  the  prosperity  of 
the  Origenists.     Domitian  and  Theodorus 

532  Ascidas,  Universalists.  They  go  to  Con- 
stantinople, and  are  appointed  archbishops, 
the  former  of  Galatia,  and  the  latter  of 
Cappadocia.  Their  influence  at  Court ; 
and  their  patronage  of  their  friends  in  Pal- 
estine. -  -  _  .  4 

537  Gelasius,  abbot  of  St.  Sabas,  orders  the 
Treatise  of  Antipater  to  be  read  in  public, 
and  expels  the  leading  Origenists  from  the 

538  great  Laura  ;  but  is  obliged  to  drive  away, 
in  turn,  some  of  his  orthodox  monks. 
These  go  to  Antioch,  and  lay  the  matter 
before  Ephraim,  patriarch  of  that  city  ; 
who  calls  a  council  of  the  bishops,  and 
anathematizes  the  heresy.  The  Origen- 
ists in  revenge,  attempt  to  procure  the  ex- 
communication of  Ephraim.  Peter,  bishop 
of  Jerusalem,  withstands  them,  and  sends 
an  account  of  their  heresy  and  conduct  to 
Justinian.  -  -  -  -       5 

539 — 540       Justinian  publishes  an  edict,  addressed 
to  Mennas,  patriarch  of  Constantinople, 


CONTENTS.  15 

A.  D.  SECT. 

commanding  Origen's  errors,  among  which 
is  Universalism,  to  be  condemned,  togeth- 
er with  their  author  and  advocates.  The 
bishops  at  Constantinople  meet  in  council 
and  approve  the  edict ;  and  the  patriarchs 
of  the  eastern  and  western  churches  sub- 
scribe it.  -  -  -  -  G 
540  But  in  Palestine,  Alexander,  a  bishop, 
refuses  to  subscribe  ;  and  the  partizans  of 
Nonnus  prefer  banishment  from  their  cells. 
Peter  of  Jerusalem  is  soon  compelled  to 
compromise  and  restore  them.  Their 
to  quarrels  and  combat  with  the  orthodox 
monks.  Gelasius  goes  to  Constantinople 
to  lay  a  complaint  against  them,  before  the 
emperor  ;  but  is  driven  away  by  Theodorus 
Ascidas.     The  orthodox  in  Palestine  are 

546  dispersed,  and  the  Origenists  take  posses- 
sion of  the  Lauras  and  monasteries.  Death 
of  Nonnus  and  Leontius.  The  Laura  of 
Sabas  falls  into  the  hands  of  the  orthodox  ; 
while  the  Origenists  gain  the  election  of 
Macarius  to  the  bishopric  of  Jerusalem. 

547  Dissention  among  themselves.  -  7 
546           Artful  plan  of  Theodorus  to  revenge  the 

late  condemnation  of  Origen.      He  pro- 
to        cures  an  edict  from  Justinian  against  the 

Three  Chapters.     Commotions  which  fol- 
553       lowed  in  the  church.  -  -  -    8 

553  Meeting  of  the  Fifth  General  Council, 

in  which  certain  writings  of   Theodorus 

of  Mopsuestia,   Theodoret  of  Cyrus,  and 


16  CONTENTS. 

A.  D.  SECT. 

Ibas  of  Edessa,  are  condemned.  The 
subject  of  Origenism  is  brought  before 
the  council;  anathemas  pronounced  against 
the  doctrine  ;  and  the  works  of  Didymus 
of  Alexandria,  and  of  Evagrius  Ponticus  in 
favor  of  Universalism  condemned.  9 

553 — 554  Execution  of  the  Council's  decrees  io 
Palestine  ;  and  consequent  dispersion  of 
the  Origenists.  -  -  -  10 


APPENDIX 

TO  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  OF  UNIVERSALISM. 

Traces  of  the  doctrine  from  the  time  of  the  Fifth  Gefi- 
eral  Council  to  the  Era  of  the  Reformation. 
649  to  869  The  first  Lateran  Council,  and  the 
seventh  and  eighth  General  Councils  re- 
peat the  condemnation  of  Origen,  Didy- 
mus and  Evagrius.  Germanus  writes 
against  the  Universalists.  -  -     1 

744  Clement,  perhaps  a  Universalist,  in 

France.  -  -  -  -       2 

850  to  1050  No  new  heresies  arose  in  the  church 
during  this  age  of  midnight  darkness. 
Character  of  the  clergy,  and  state  of 
religion.  -  -  -  -      3 

660  The  Paulicians  perhaps  the  remote 

occasion  of  the    Reformation.      Their 
to  character,  manners,  and  doctrine.         -         4 

Their  History.    Their  dispersion  over 
1 100         Europe,  where  they  appeared  under  va- 
rious denominations.  _  -  5 


CONTENTS.  17 

A.  D.  SECT. 

1190  Rainold,    abbot  of  St.    Martin's,    at 

Nevers,  in  France,   accused  of  Univer- 
salism.  _  _  -  -         6 

1200  to  1210  Amalric,  or  Amauri,  perhaps  a  Uni- 
versalist.  His  sentiments  condemned  at 
Paris  and  Rome.  Persecution  of  his 
followers.  -  -  -  -     7 

1230  to  123.4      Du  Pin's  account  of  the  Stadings,  in 

Germany.  _  _  .  8 

1315,  &LC.         Lollards  in  Germany,    Universalists, 

according  to  Du  Pin.  _  -  9 

1368  Universalism  amongr  the  tenets  taught 

in  England,  an<i  condemned  by  a  Coun- 
cil at  Canterbury.  -  -  10 
1400  to  1412      Men   of  Understanding,  in   Holland, 
Universalists.      ^gidius    Cantor,     and 
William  of  Hildenissen.                  -  11 
1480  to  1494      John  Picus,  an  Italian  prince,  denies 
the  infinite  demerit  of  sin  ;    is  accused 
of  heresy,  and  makes  his  peace  with  the 
Pope.             -             -             .             .         12 
1490  to  1498      Peter  D'Aranda,    a  Spanish  bishop, 
denies  purgatory  and   hell ;    is  deposed 
on  a  false  charge  of  Judaism,  and  con- 
demned to  perpetual  imprisonment.  12 


Index  to  the  Principal  Notes. 


PREFACE. 


The  reader  will  perceive,  in  the  com- 
mencement of  the  following  work,  what  he 
may  at  first  regard  as  a  defect,  that  I  have  not 
introduced,  like  others,  a  statement  of  the 
scripture  doctrine  upon  the  subject  of  my  Histo- 
ry. For  the  omission,  I  submit  these  reasons  : 
it  seemed  to  me  that  such  a  statement  would 
prove  useless,  as  each  one  would  form  his  own 
opinion  from  other  authority  ;  and  that  a  satis- 
factory discussion  of  the  important  question, 
belonged  rather  to  the  Polemic  than  to  the  His- 
torian. Accordingly,  for  the  commencement  of 
my  undertaking,  I  fixed  on  a  date  posterior  to 
the  publication  of  most  of  the  New  Testament ; 
and  yet,  as  it  was  desirable  to  take  into  view 
every  other  christian  production  extant  of  the 
first  ages,  I  was  obliged  to  begin  as  early  as 
A.  D.  90,  before  some,  if  not  all  of  St.  John's 
writings  were  composed. 

The  attentive  reader  will  also  discover,  as 
he  proceeds,  that  the  Ancient  History  of  Uni- 


PREFACE.  1 9 

versalism  is  naturally  distinguished,  by  certain 
peculiarities,  into  three  successive  Periods  : — 
the  First,  extending  to  the  year  190,  and  em- 
braced in  the  first  two  chapters,  affords  but 
few  indisputable  traces  either  of  that  doctrine, 
or  of  its  opposite  ;  the  Second,  running  through 
the  third,  fourth,  fifth  and  sixth  chapters, 
to  the  year  390,  or  394,  is  distinguished  by  the 
prevalence  both  of  Universalism  and  of  the 
doctrine  of  endless  misery,  without  producing 
the  least  disturbance  or  uneasiness  in  the 
church  ;  the  Third,  reaching  to  the  Fifth  Gen- 
eral Council,  in  A.  D.  553,  is  marked  with 
continual  censures,  frequent  commotions,  and 
some  disgraceful  quarrels,  on  that  subject. 

And  as  I  have  endeavored  to  vary  my  gener- 
al plan,  so  as  to  suit  the  peculiar  character  and 
circumstances  of  each  of  these  periods,  I  would 
here  bespeak  the  reader's  attention  to  the  meth- 
od I  have  pursued.  In  the  first  Period,  then, 
I  have  been  careful  to  state,  in  his  own  words, 
the  opinion  of  every  christian  author  extant, 
concerning  future  punishment,  and  the  eventual 
salvation  of  the  world  ;  and  down  to  the  year 
150,  I  have,  with  still  more  particularity,  in- 
serted every  passage  which  I  thought  belonged 
to   either  of  those    subjects.     Accordingly,  it 


20  PREFACE. 

may  be  expected  that,  to  many,  the  first  two 
chapters  will  prove  more  tedious  than  the  rest 
of  the  work.  In  the  second  Period,  while  it 
has  been  my  principal  object  to  give  a  full  ac- 
count of  all  those  fathers,  who,  during  that  time, 
advocated  or  favored  Universalism,  I  have  also 
aimed  to  present  a  correct  view  of  the  opinions 
entertained,  the  meanwhile,  by  the  christian 
world  at  large,  on  that  point.  In  the  third  Pe- 
riod I  have  pursued,  nearly  the  same  course  ; 
leaving,  however,  the  common  sentiment  of  the 
church  concerning  the  doctrine  in  question,  to 
be  gathered  from  the  controversies  and  quarrels 
w^hich  then  occurred,  and  which  I  have  minute- 
ly described.  Thus  far,  I  may  venture  to  pro- 
nounce the  History  complete,  in  one  sense  :  it 
contains  an  account  of  every  individual  of  note, 
whom  we  have  now  the  means  of  knowing  to 
have  been  a  Universalist. 

In  the  Appendix  the  plan  is  very  different,  as 
a  regular  and  connected  history  of  Universalism, 
from  the  Fifth  General  Council  to  the  Refor- 
mation, is,  with  me,  utterly  impracticable. 
Here,  therefore,  nothing  but  a  sketch  is  at- 
tempted, pointing  out  those  traces  of  the  doc- 
trine, which  I  have  happened  to  discover  in  the 
course  of  reading. 


PREFACE.  21 

I  would  also  take  this  opportunity,  once  for 
all  to  apprize  my  readers  of  the  sense  in  which 
they  will  find  certain  terms  and  phrases  used  in 
the  following  work.  The  title,  bishop^  is  sup- 
posed to  have  signified,  at  first,  only  the  chief 
minister  of  a  city,  or  territory  ;  though  after- 
wards it  became  confined  in  its  application  to  a 
distinct  and  superior  order  of  clergy.  By  the 
popular  terms  orthodox  and  heretic^  I  mean,  not 
the  true  and  the  false  creed,  but  the  predomin- 
ant, or  catholic,  and  the  dissenting,  or  anathema- 
tized. To  conclude,  I  have  frequently  spoken 
of  the  Western  or  Latin  Churches^  in  distinc- 
tion from  the  Eastern  or  Greek ;  though  they 
were  not  actually  separated  from  each  others' 
communion,  till  the  ninth  century. 
Roxbunj,  Oct.  22d,  1828. 


ANCIENT  HISTORY 


UNIYERSALISM. 


CHAPTER  I. 

[From  A.  D.  90,  to  A.  D.  150.] 

A.  D.  90.]  I.  At  the  date  with  which  this  his- 
tory begins,  none  of  the  apostles  are  supposed  to 
have  been  alive,  except  the  venerable  St.  John,  who 
then  resided,  at  a  very  advanced  age,  in  the  great  city 
of  Ephesus.  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  suffered  mar- 
tyrdom at  Rome,  more  than  twenty  years  before  ;  and 
St.  James  the  Great,  and  St.  James  the  Less,  at  Jeru- 
salem, still  earlier.  Of  the  deaths  of  the  other  apostles, 
nothing  can  be  pronounced  with  confidence,  notwith- 
standing the  accounts  of  their  martyrdom,  given  by 
some  ancient  writers,  and  adopted  by  many  of  the 
moderns. 

Nor  must  we  pretend  to  define  tlie  extent  to  which 
Christianity  had  now  spread  ;  as,  on  this  subject,  it  is 
often  impossible  to  distinguish  the  true  from  the  fabu- 
lous accounts  of  early  historians.     It  is,  however,  prob- 


24  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

abie  that  some  churches  were  established  in  most  of  the 
Roman  provinces,  especially  in  the  eastern.  But  the  num- 
ber oi professed  christians  must  still  have  been  very  small 
in  proportion  to  the  whole  mass  of  community,  and  com- 
posed, with  some  exceptions,  of  the  lower  classes  of  peo- 
ple. The  rich  and  the  noble  were,  for  the  most  part,  at- 
tached to  the  ancient  forms  and  institutions  ;  and  the  men 
of  great  learning,  and  those  of  refined  genius,  did  not 
wander,  as  indeed  they  seldom  do,  from  the  Hmits  of 
that  popular  course  where  they  might  find  reward,  or  at 
least  hope  for  admiration. 

The  Christians  were,  nevertheless,  not  an  obscure 
sect.  Their  religion  was  so  novel,  so  different  from 
every  other,  and  they  were  so  zealous  and  successful  in 
its  cause,  that  it  drew  much  attention  wherever  it  was 
established.  It  was  not,  indeed,  very  well  understood 
by  the  public  at  large ;  nor  did  it  escape  considerable 
misrepresentations  among  its  particular  enemies^.  These 
injurious  misrepresentations  operated,  undoubtedly,  to 
countenance  the  complaints  of  the  heathen  priests,  who 
felt  their  long  unmolested  repose  disturbed  by  the  grow- 
ing desertion  of  their  temples,  and  neglect  of  their  ser- 
vices. Still  it  must  be  remarked,  that  the  christians 
had  suffered  very  little  persecution,  except  slander, 
since  the  death  of  the  cruel  Nero,  more  than  twenty 
years  before.     But  the  time  drew  near  when  they  were 

a.  Plinii  Epist.  97.  Lib.  x.  and  Taciti  Annal.  Lib.  xv.  cap.  44. 
Afterwards,  or  towards  the  year  150,  we  find  the  most  outrageous 
calumny  heaped  upon  the  christians  :  they  w^ere  commonly  called 
Atheists;  and  all  sorts  of  licentiousness,  even  such  as  cannot,  for  de- 
cency's sake,  be  mentioned  in  the  present  age,  were  charged  upon 
them.  To  refute  and  expose  these  slanderous  falsehoods,  was  a 
grand  object  with  several  of  the  early  christian  writers. 


i]  OF  UNIVERSALIS3I.  ;^^ 

to  encounter  proscription,  danger,  and  even  death,  from 
the  civil  authorities  :  It  was  only  four  or  five  years  after 
this,  that  the  jealousy  of  the  emperor  Domitian  revived 
the  storm,  which  raged,  with  some  considerable  inter- 
vals, till  after  the  lapse  of  more  than  two  centuries,  the 
inauspicious  conversion  of  Constantine,  gave  to  the 
Church  the  kingdoms  of  this  world,  and  the  glory  of 
them. 

As  to  the  system  of  doctrine  held  by  the  christians  at 
this  period,  we  can  determine  few  of  its  particulars,  if 
indeed  it  be  proper  to  say  that  such  a  system  then  pre- 
vailed. Their  religion  had  not  yet  been  taught  on  any 
regular  plan,  like  that  of  a  Body  of  Divinity.  Its  fun- 
damental truths,  that  Jesus  Christ  was  the  Messiah  of  the 
only  true  God,  and  the  Saviour  of  men,  and  that  he  rose 
from  the  dead,  necessarily  engrossed  the  chief  attention 
of  its  professors,  as  these  were  the  important  facts  the}' 
were  obliged,  almost  continually,  to  urge  on  the  peo- 
ple, and  to  defend  against  opponents.  It  is  extremely 
difficult  for  us,  who  are  brought  up  in  a  state  of  society 
where  Christianity  is  the  original  and  universal  religion, 
and  where  our  disputes  extend  only  to  its  particular  te- 
nets, to  conceive  of  the  simplicity  in  which  the  first 
preachers  taught  their  faith,  when,  not  the  doctrine,  but 
the  truth  itself,  of  that  religion,  was  the  principal  point 
in  dispute.  When  people  were  brought  to  acknowledge 
the  mission  of  Christ,  they  were  considered  christians ; 
and  if  their  conduct  became  their  profession,  they  were 
gladly  received  into  the  churches ;  though  further  in- 
structions were  then  given,  or  afterwards  added,  just  as 
3 


26  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

opportunities  offered,  and  circumstances  permitted''. 
Such  being  the  liberal  conditions  on  which  "the  church- 
es were  gathered,  they,  of  course,  admitted  persons  of 
different,  and  even  opposite  sentiments,  on  many  points 
of  doctrine.  Both  the  Jewish  and  Gentile  converts  re- 
tained some  of  their  respective  prejudices  and  notions. 
This  circumstance  had  already  occasioned  disputes 
among  them,  particularly  concerning  the  obligation  of 
the  Mosaic  rituals,  on  one  hand,  and  the  heathen 
schemes  of  philosophy  on  another.  The  apostles  them- 
selves had,  years  before,  interposed  to  decide  these 
controversies  ;  but  even  their  authority  was  not  able  to 
remove  the  prejudices  of  the  parties.  Some  of  the 
Gnostic  believers,  in  particular,  had,  perhaps,  gone  so 
far,  even  at  this  early  period,  as  to  separate  from  the 
other  churches,  and  to  form  themselves  into  distinct 
bodies,  which,  however,  must  have  been  small  and  ob- 
scure. After  all,  we  cannot  suppose  that  the  christians 
in  general  had  so  soon  obliterated  from  their  faith  the 
prominent  features  of  the  apostolic  doctrine  ;  especially 
when  we  consider  that  most  of  the  books  of  the  New 
Testament  were  now  in  circulation,  and  that  St.  John 
still  lived  to  be  consulted,  and  to  give  instructions  *'. 

II.  Proceeding,  now,  to  the  particular  subject  of  our 
history,  we  shall,   in  the  present  chapter,   produce   all 

^-  This  was  the  practice  of  the  apostles.  See  the  abstracts  and  ac- 
counts of  those  discourses  which  they  aclclres.<5ed  to  imbelierers  :  Acts 
ji.  ]4— 41 .  iii.J2— 2G.  iv.  8—12.  v.  2!'— 32.  viii.  30—38.  ix.  20—22.  x.34 
— 48.xiii.](i— 41.xvi.30— 33.  xvii.2— 4.  18.  22^34.  xxiii.fi.xxv.  18, 
19.  xxvi.  xxviii.  23.  c-  The  principal  facts  in  this  section  are  illustra- 
ted at  l^irge  by  Mosheim,  Eccl.  Hist.  Cent,  i ;  and  more  particularly 
in  his  Connncntaries  on  the  Affairs  of  the  Cliristians,  before  the  Time 
of  Constantine,  &c.     Vol.  i.   VidaVs  Translation. 


i.  ]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  27 

that  can  be  known,  with  any  degree  of  certainty,  of  the 
views  entertained  by  the  christians  from  this  time  till 
A.  D.  150,  in  relation  to  a  future  state  of  punishment 
and  the  eventual  salvation  of  the  world.  The  only 
direct  hght  that  gleams,  at  intervals,  through  the  general 
obscurity  of  the  course  we  now  attempt,  is  derived  from 
the  few  christian  writings  of  this  period,  which  are 
still  extant.  These  are  the  productions  of  those  com- 
monly called  the  Apostolical  Fathers,  the  first  christian 
authors,  whose  works  have  reached  us,  after  the  Apostles 
themselves.  They  are  the  following  :  The  First  Epis- 
tle of  Clemens  Romanus  ;  seven  Epistles  of  Ignatius  ; 
The  Epistle  of  Polycarp  ;  The  Epistle  of  Barnabas  ; 
and  The  Shepherd  of  Hennas.  Among  these,  we  should 
perhaps  insert  a  Relation  of  the  Martyrdom  of  Ignatius^. 
These  writings,  composed  by  men  of  little  learning,  and, 
forlhe  most  part,  of  as  little  judgment,  are  still  valuable 
as  they  afford  us  some  notion  of  the  state  of  the  early 
christians,  and  of  the  sentiments  avowed  by  them  ;  but 
whoever  expects  to  find  them  instructive  or  edifying  in 
other  respects,  will  rise  from  their  perusal  in  disappoint- 
ment, if  not  with  disgust. 

d-  Of  the  Second  Epistle  of  Clemens  K^rmnus,  so  called,  the  genu- 
ineness is  considered  doubtful  by  Eusebius,  Jerome,  Du  Pin,  Mosheim, 
&c.  and  wholly  denied  by  Photius,  Archbishop  Usher,  Lardner, 
Brucker,  Le  Clerc,  and  otiiers.  Scarcely  one  admits  it.  There  are 
other  writings  extant,  ascribed  to  Clemens  Romanus,  but  which  are 
now  universally  considered  forgeries,  and  of  a  much  later  date.  I 
omit  The  Acts  of  Paul  and  Thecla,  a  forgery  of  the  First  Century,  be- 
cause our  present  copy  is  either  a  forgery  upon  that  original  one,  or 
else  so  much  interpolated  that  we  cannot  determine  what  is  ancient. 
See  Lardner 's  Credibility,  &.c.  Chap.  S?ipposititioiis  Writings  of  M 
Centurij.  The  reason  why  I  place  The  Epistle  of  Barnabas,  and  The 
Shepherd  of  Hernias  last  in  this  catalogue,  will  be  given  under  the  ac- 
counts of  those  works. 


28  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

r,r.  III.  The  Epistle   of    Clemens  Romanus 
A.  D.  90,      .... 
qr         is  distinguished  for  the  respect  it  received 

from  the  ancient  churches,  some  of  which 
caused  it  to  be  read,  in  public,  with  the  books  of  the 
New  Testament.  It  may  be  allowed,  at  least,  the  com- 
mendations, that  it  is  simple  though  difflise,  somewhat 
resembling,  in  character,  St.  James's  Epistle,  and  that 
it  contains  but  one  instance®,  of  those  absurd  allegories 
which  abound  in  the  succeeding  fathers.  Clemens,  who 
was  bishop  of  the  church  at  Rome,  and  perhaps  the 
same  person  whom  St.  Paul  mentions,  (Phil,  iv.  3.) 
wrote  this  Epistle  to  the  Corintliian  christians  for  the 
purpose  of  dissuading  them  from  their  quarrels  and  sedi- 
tions. Earnestly  exhorting  them  to  repent  of  their 
mutual  envy  and  abuse,  he  adduces,  among  other  con- 
siderations, the  justice  of  God  as  a  motive  of  fear,  and 
the  terrible  destruction  of  Sodom  and  its  neighboring 
cities  as  instances  of  the  divine  judgments  on  sinners. 
But  it  is  remarkable  that  in  the  whole  of  this  Epistle, 
about  as  long  as  St.  Mark's  Gospel,  there  is  no  expres- 
sion which  discovers  whether  he  believed  in  any  future 
state  of  punishment,  nor  whether  he  held  the  salvation 
of  all  mankind.  There  are,  indeed,  two  passages^  which 
may  naturally,  not  necessarily,  be  understood  to  intimate 

e-  Clemens  Rom.  Epis.  §  12.  Wake's  Translation.  The  date  of 
this  Epistle  was  probably  between  A.  D.  90  and  95.  Lardner  places 
it  at  A .  D.  94  or  95 ;  Junius,  at  98 ;  Baronius  and  Cotelerius,  at  92 ; 
Dodwell,  Wake  and  Le  Clerc,  between  64  and  70.  f.  Clem. 
Rom.  Epis.  §  2G  and  49.  In  these  two  passages,  Clemens  expressly 
mentions  the  resurrection  of  those  who  "religiously  serve  the  Lord," 
and  are  "made  perfect  in  love;"  but  nowhere  does  he  a^^erHhe  res- 
urrection of  others. 


i.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  29 

that  those  only,  who  here  serve  the  Lord,  will  hereafter 
be  raised  from  the  dead. 

p  .  In  passing  over  the  time  at  which  St.  John 

.^^       is  supposed  to  have  written  the  Revelation 

to     100.  ^^  .  T-l       .       7 

and,  perhaps,  his  Gospel  and  three  Ejnstles^, 
we  may  remark  that  this  last  of  the  Apostles  died  at 
Ephesus,  about  the  year  100.  He  left  the  world  at 
a  period  when  old  errors  appear  to  have  been  spreading 
in  the  church,  and  springing  up  there,  under  new  forms 
and  modifications.  They  were  chiefly  of  the  Gnostic 
kind,  derived  from  the  Oriental  or  Persian  philosophy, 
and  consisting  of  a  monstrous  union  of  Christianity  with 
tlie  eastern  notions  of  the  "  endless  genealogies"  of  the 
Eons  or  angelic  natures,  and  the  inherent  malignity  of 
all  matter.  The  thorough  Gnostics,  among  the  chris- 
tians, denied  the  real  body  of  Christ,  and  the  resurrec- 
tion of  the  flesh. 

IV.  We  come  next  to  the  famous  Epis- 
'  ties  of  Ignatius  ;  the  genuineness  of  which 
has  been  attacked  and  defended  with  a  zeal 
little  proportioned  to  their  worth  or  real  weight  in  any 
cause  whatever.  Though  the  question  is  still  involved 
in  considerable  uncertainty,  we  shall  follow,  with  some 
doubt,   what  Jippears  tlie    prevailing  opinion,   that  tlie 

s-  Though  there  is  not  a  universal  agreement,  there  is  but  little 
doubt  as  to  the  date  of  the  Revelation:  for  if  written  by  St.  John,  it 
was  during  his  banishment  toPatmos,  which  most  chronological  crit- 
ics assign  to  the  year  94  or  96.  Of  the  date  of  his  other  waitings,  va- 
rious opinions  are  entertained :  Dr.  Witherspoon  places  the  Gofqid 
at  A.D.  96,  and  the  Epistles  at  9S  ;  Lardner  dates  the  Gospel  at  A.D. 
68,  and  the  Epistles  at  80  and  85 ;  by  Le  Clerc,  the  Gospel  is  assign- 
ed to  the  year  97,  and  the  Epistles 'to  91  and  92;  Dr.  Owen  places 
the  Gospel  at  about  A.D.  69:  Jer.  Jones,  at  97}  and  DuTin,  at  about 
A.D.  100. 

3* 


30  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

seven,*  translated  by  Archbishop  Wake,  are,  in  the  main, 
genuine.  They  were  written,  if  by  Ignatius,  while  he 
was  conducted,  partly  by  sea,  and  partly  by  land,  on  a 
tardy  journey  of  two  thousand  miles  ^,  from  Antioch  to 
Rome,  for  the  execution  of  the  sentence  of  martyrdom. 
He  is  said  to  have  been  bishop  of  the  church  in  the  former 
city,  for  about  forty  years,  and  to  have  been  personally 
acquainted,  in  his  younger  days,  with  some  of  the  Apostles. 
His  writings,  however,  are  not  always  worthy  of  his 
advantages  :  they  contain  some  puerile  conceits',  betray 
a  fondness  for  the  eastern  fables  concerning  the  angelic 
world ^,  and  are  filled  with  earnest  injunctions  of  the 
most  unreserved  submission  of  reason,  faith  and  practice, 
to  the  clergy ;  whose  authority  is  often  liliened,  express- 
ly, to  that  of  God  and  Jesus  Christ. 

We  cannot  ascertain  the  author^s  views  concerning 
the  final  extent  of  salvation ;  and  the  following  is  all 
that  seems  to  refer  to  a  future  state  of  punishment : 
'•  Those  that  corrupt    families   by    adultery,  shall    not 


*  Even  of  these  there  are  two  very  different  copies  :  the  larger 
which  is  generally  supposed  to  be  much  interpolated ;  and  the  short- 
er, which  is  followed  by  Wake,  and  almost  universally  preferred. 
Mosheim,  however,  (Comment,  on  the  Affairsof  the  Christians,  &c.) 
seems  to  doubt  whether  the  larger  be  not  the  genuine,  if  indeed 
either  be  so. 

Ji-  His  route,  real  or  fabulous,  is  traced  from  Antioch  to  Smyrna, 
Troas,  over  the  ^Egean,  into  Macedonia  and  through  Epirus,  across 
the  Adriatic  and  Tyrrhene  Seas,  to  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber,  and 
thence  to  Rome.  The  date  of  his  journey,  and  of  course  of  his  Epis- 
tles and  ]Martyrdom,  is  placed  at  A.D.  107,  by  Du  Pin.  Tillemont, 
Cave  and  Lardner ;  but  at  A.D.  IIG,  by  Pearson.  Loyd,  Pagi,  Le 
Clcre  and  Fabrieius.  If  the  Relation  of  the  Martyrdom  of  lonuitvis, 
which  professes  to  be  written  by  eye-witnesses,  be  genuine,  this  dis 
];uted  date  is  fixed  at  A.D.  110.  See  §  3.  Wake's  Translation. 
i.  Ignat.  Epist.  to  the  Ephesians,  §  9.  Wake  s  trails.  J- Ditto.  §  10. 
:uid  Epist.  to  the  Trallians,  §  5. 


i.  ]  OF  UNI  VERS  ALISM.  31 

"  inherit  the  kingdom  of  God.  If  therefore  they  who 
"  have  done  this  according  to  the  flesh  have  suffered  death, 
"  how  much  more  shall  he  die,  who  by  his  wicked  doc- 
"  trine  corrupts  the  faith  of  God,  for  which  Christ  was 
"  crucified  ?  He  that  is  thus  defiled,  shall  depart  into 
"  unquenchable  fire,  and  so  also  shall  he  that  heark- 
"  ens  to  him^."  In  another  place  he  says,  in  rather  an 
incoherent  paragraph,  "  Seeing,  then,  all  things  have 
"  an  end,  there  are  these  two  indifferently  set  before  us, 
*'  Life  and  Death ;  and  every  one  shall  depart  unto  his  pro- 
per place'."  In  the  same  unconnected  manner,  he  says 
again,  "  For  what  remains,  it  is  very  reasonable  that  we 
"  should  return  unto  a  sound  mind,  whilst  there  is  yet 
"time  to  return  unto  God'"."  Some  of  these  passages 
may,  indeed,  have  no  allusion  to  a  future  state.  It  must, 
however,  be  remarked  here,  that  the  author  evidently 
believed  that  certain  heretics,  and  perhaps  the  wicked 
in  general,  will  not  be  raised  from  the  dead,  but  exist 
hereafter  as  mere  incorporeal  spirits". 

The  Relation  of  the  Martyrdom  of  Ignatius,  written 
by  christian  eye-witnesses  of  his  trial  and  sufferings, 
contains  nothing  to  our  purpose  ;  and  we  therefore  pro- 
ceed to 

-  ^Q  V.   The  Epistle  of  Polycarp ;    a   piece 

-,  1  -,        which  evinces   a  more  resjular  and  intelli- 
or  11 7 .  .  ^         .     , 

gent  mind,  than  most  of  the  ecclesiastical  wri- 
tings of  that  age.  Its  connexion  is  tolerably  well  main- 
tained, and  its  style  is  simple,  though  it  never  rises  into 

^     Epist.  to  the  Ephes.  §  2G.  I'    Epist.  to  the  Magnesians,  §  5. 

"1.  Epist.  to  the  Smyrneans,  §9.  Q'  Ditto,  o  2  and  7.  conipared 
with  Epist.  to  the  Trail.  ^9.  and  Epist.  to  the  Romans,  ^2. 


32  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

elegance.  The  author  is  guilty  of  one  exception  to  his 
general  moderation,  when  he  exhorts  his  brethren  to  be 
"  subject  to  the  elders  and  deacons  as  unto  '  God  and 
"  Christ".' " 

They  who  receive  this  epistle  as  Polycarp's^,  gene- 
rally suppose  it  written  soon  after  the  martyrdom  of  Ig- 
natius, to  which  it  alludes.  Polycarp  was  bishop  of  the 
church  at  Smyrna,  from  about  the  year  100,  till  after 
the  middle  of  the  second  century.  He  is  said  to  have 
been  the  disciple  of  St.  John ;  and  he  was  certainly  re- 
garded, after  the  death  of  that  Apostle,  as  the  most  em- 
inent of  the  christians  of  Asia*^. 

The  following  is  all  that  his  Epistle  contains  in  rela- 
tion to  the  particular  subject  of  this  history  :  "  To  whom 
"  [Christ]  all  things  are  made  subject,  both  that  are  in 
"  heaven  and  that  are  in  earth ;  whom  every  living 
"  creature  shall  worship  ;  who  shall  come  to  be  the 
"  judge  of  the  quick  and  dead  ;  whose  blood  God  shall 
"  require  of  them  that  believe  not  in  him^"  Alluding, 
without  doubt,  to  some  of  the  Gnostic  heretics, 
he  says,  "  Whosoever  does  not  confess  that  Jesus 
"  Christ  is  come  in  the  flesh,  he  is  Antichrist.  And 
"  whoever  does  not  confess  his  suffering  upon  the  cross, 
"  is  from  the  Devil.  And  whosoever  perverts  the  ora- 
"  cles  of  tlie  Lord  to  his  own  lusts,  and  says  that  there 

o.  Polycarp's  Epist.  §  5.  Wake's  transl.  P-  M.  Daille  and  Blon- 
del  reject  it ,  and  Mosheim  says  it  ^'  has  merely  a  questionable  claim 
to  credit."  But  Lardner,  on  the  contrary,  asserts  that  '•  there  is  scarce 
any  doubt  or  question  among  learned  men,  about  the  genuineness  of 
this  Epistle  of  Polycarp."  i.  By  some  he  is  considered  the  antrel  of 
the  Church  in  ^niyrna,  addressed  in  Rev.  ii.  8.  Tliis,  however,  is 
doubtful,  as  it  is  probable  that  he  was  not  ordained  till  after  the  Re- 
velation was  written.         r    Polycarp's  Epist.  $  2. 


i.  ]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  33 

"  shall  be  neither  any  resurrection,  nor  judgment,  he  is 
"  the  first-born  of  Satan^"  There  may  also  be  a  ques- 
tion whether  the  author  does  not  intimate  that  the  fu- 
ture resurrection  depends  on  faith  and  obedience  in  this 
life^ 

VI.  To  these  dates  succeeds  a  period  of  several 
years,  from  which  no  christian  writings  have  descended 
to  us,  except  a  few  passages  that  happen  to  have  been 
quoted,  by  later  writers,  from  Papias,  Quadratus  and 
Agrippa  Castor  ;  of  which,  however,  we  shall  take  no 
notice,  as  they  throw  no  Hght  upon  our  subject.  But  it 
is  important  to  remark  that  Papias  and  Ai'istides  (a  wri- 
ter of  whom  nothing  whatever  remains)  contributed,  un- 
designedly, to  corrupt  the  simplicity  of  Christianity.  The 
former,  who  was  bishop  at  Hierapolis,  near 
Laodicea,  is  said  to  have  devoted  himself  to 
collecting  traditions  of  the  Apostolic  doctrine  and  say- 
ings ;  but  being  very  credulous  and  of  a  weak  mind,  he 
received,  with  little  discrimination,  whatever  was  related 
to  him.  Having  thus  formed  a  collection  of  idle  tales 
and  foohsh  notions,  he  published  tliem  to  the  world  as 
the  authoritative  instructions  of  Christ  and  his  Apostles. 
Such  was  the  genius  of  the  times,  that  his  w^ork  ap- 
pears to  have  been  well  received ;  and  it  certainly  met 
with  considerable  credit  among  the   succeeding  fathers. 


s-  Ditto.  ^7.  t-  Ditto.  §2  and  5.  If  Clemens  Romanus  and  Po- 
lycarp,  as  well  as  Ignatius,  really  held  a  partial  resurrection,  that  of 
the  saints  exclusively,  the  circumstance  would  seem  to  prove  that  the 
notion  of  the  Jews,  or  rather  of  the  Pharisees,  on  this  point,  had 
spreadpretty  extensively  in  the  church, — from  Asia  Minor  to  Rome — 
at  this  early  period.  That  such  was  the  notion  of  tlie  Pharisees, 
about  the  end  of  the  first  century,  see  Josephus,  &c. 


34  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

who  adopted  some  of  its  fictions".  But  whatever  were 
tlie  injurious  effects  of  these  pretended  traditions,  the 
cause  of  truth  afterwards  sustained  a  much  greater  de- 
triment from  the  gradual  incorporation  of  the  Grecian 
philosophy.     Ai'istides  was  probably  the  first  professed 

philosopher  from  the   Grecian  schools,  who 
'  took  an  active  part  in  support  of  Christianity. 

But  he  appears,  unhappily,  to  have  arrayed 
it  in  the  robe  of  the  Academy  ;  for  Jerome  informs  us 
that  the  Apology,  which  he  presented  to  the  emperor 
Adrian  in  behalf  of  the  persecuted  christians,  was  full  of 
philosophic  notions,  w"hich  were  afterwards  adopted  by 
Justin  Martyr''.  The  Grecian  philosophy  w^as  nearly  as 
incompatible  with  Christianity,  as  w^as  the  Oriental ;  but 
the  corruptions  it  introduced,  flourished  in  the  church, 
after  a  few  years,  as  in  a  congenial  soil ;  and  in  less 
than  a  century,  gave  a  new  appearance  to  the  general 
mass  of  doctrine  considered  orthodox. 

YII.    The  Epistle  of   Barnahas  is  the 
A.  D.  131.     next,  in  order  ;  unless,  as  has  been  hither- 
to  conjectured,  it  belong  to   the  first  cen- 
tury'^.    It  was  composed  by  some  Jewish  christian,  of 

»■  Du  Pin's  BibliothecaPatrum,  Article,  Papias.  Papias  is  said 
to  have  flourished  about  A.D.  IIC.  v.  Du  Pin's  Bibhoth.  Pat.  Art. 
Quadratus  and  Aristides.  The  Apology  of  Aristides  is  supposed  to 
have  been  written  about  a.d.  124,  or  126.  w-  it  has  been  thought, 
by  most  of  the  learned,  that  the  Epistle  of  Barnabas  was  written  in 
the  first  century ;  and,  by  many,  that  it  was  tlie  work  of  that  Barna- 
bas who  was  the  companion  and  fellow-traveller  of  St.  Paul.  The 
latter  opinion,  Moshelm  treats  as  scarcely  worthy  of  a  refutation  ;  and 
though  it  has  had  some  eminent  advocates,  it  is  now  generally  dis- 
carded. That  the  furmer  opinion  is  also  incorrect,  I  cannot  but  think 
sufficiently  manifest  from  the  Epistle  itself.  The  author,  speaking 
of  the  temple  of  Jerusalem,  says,  "Again,  he  [Christ]  speaketh  after 
'■  this  manner  :  Beliold,  they  that  destroy  this  temple,  even  they  shall  as:oin 
^^  build  it  up.     And  so  it  came  to  pass;    for  through  their  wars,  it  i^ 


i.  ]  OF  UNI  VERS  ALISM.  35 

mean  abilities,  for  the  purpose  of  representing  the  Mo- 
saic law  and  other  parts  of  the  Old  Testament  as  con- 
taining a  hidden  account  of  Christ  and  his  rehgion.  The 
allegorical  and  mystical  interpretations,  of  which  the 
Epistle  mostly  consists,  present  an  extraordinary  in- 
stance of  bhnd  stupidity  aiming  at  discoveries  :  "  Un- 
"  derstand,  children,"  says  he,  "  these  things  more 
"  fully  :  that  Abraham,  who  was  the  first  that  brought  in 
''  circumcision,  performed   it,  after  having   received  the 

"  now  destroyed  by  their  enemies ;  and  the  servants  of  their  enemies 
"  build  it  up?'  (Barnab.  Epist.  $  IG.  IVM/ie's  transl.J  It  will  not  be 
questioned  that  the  author  here  speaks,  1.  of  the  destruction  of  the 
Temple  after  our  Lord's  ministry ;  i.  e.  of  its  destruction  by  Titus  ; 
and  2.  of  attempts  at  rebuilding  it  by  the  servants  of  the  Romans,  at 
the  time  of  writing  this  Epistle.  JNow,  it  is  well  known  that  there 
was  no  attempt  at  rebuilding  either  the  temple  or  the  city,  after  their 
destruction  by  Titus,  till  the  time  of  Adrian.  He  came  to  Jerusa- 
lem, in  the  early  part  of  his  reign,  on  a  visit  to  the  eastern  sections  of 
his  empire,  and  found  the  city,  except  a  few  buildings,  levelled  with 
the  ground,  and  the  temple  trodden  under  foot.  He  is  said  to  have 
formed,  at  this  time,  the  design  of  rebuilding  the  place;  but  he  did 
not  actually  undertake  it  till  a.d.  130  or  131,  when  he  sent  a  colony 
to  Jerusalem  to  restore  the  city,  and  on  or  near  the  site  of  the  former 
temple  to  erect  a  new  one,  which  he  afterwards  dedicated  to  Jupi- 
ter. (See  Crevier's  Hist,  of  the  Rom.  Emperors,  Book  xix.  with  his 
Annals  of  Adrian,  prefixed.  Fleury's  Eccl.  Hist.  Book  iii.  24.  and 
Newton's  Dissert,  on  the  Prophecies,  Dissert,  xx.  Part  3.)  This  cir- 
cumstance appears  to  determine  the  date  of  the  allusion  quoted  from 
Barnabas ;  and  I  know  of  nothing  that  can  be  urged  against  the  hy- 
pothesis. IreUcRus,  about  a.d.  11>0,  is  the  first  who  seems  to  have 
imitated  any  of  the  expressions  of  this  Epistle  ;  and  Clemens  Alex- 
andrinus,  about  a.d.  194,  is  the  first  who  either  mentioned  it,  or  for- 
mally alluded  to  it.  It  is  but  just,  however,  to  apprize  the  reader, 
that  my  hypothesis  is  not  supported  by  the  authority  of  the  critics 
who,  so  far  as  I  know,  have  taken  no  notice  of  Barnabas's  allusion  to 
the  rebuilding  of  the  temple.  I  think,  however,  that  Cotelerius  fPa- 
tres  ApostoliciJ  had  it  in  view,  and  suspected  that  the  date  of  the  Epis- 
tle was  as  late  as  I  have  placed  it.  Mosheim  supposes  it  to  have 
been  written  in  the  first  century ;  and  he  agrees  with  Cotelerius, 
Brucker,  Basnage  and  others,  that  its  author  was  not  the  Barnabas 
who  was  the  companion  of  St.  Paul.  Wake,  Du  Pin  and  Lardner, 
on  the  contrary,  ascribe  it  to  that  Barnabas,  and  place  its  date  about 
A.D.  71  or  72. 


36  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

"  mystery  of  three  letters,  by  which  he  looked  forward 
*'  in  the  spirit,  to  Jesus.  For  the  scripture  says  that 
"  Abraham  circumcised  three  hundred  and  eighteen 
"  men  of  his  house.  But  what,  therefore,  was  the  mys- 
"  tery  that  was  made  known  unto  him  ?  Mark,  first-,  the 
"  eighteen  ;  and,  next,  the  three  hundred.  For  the  nu- 
"  meral  letters  of  ten  and  eight,  are  IH''.  And  these 
"  denote  Jesus.  And  because  the  cross  was  that  by 
"  which  we  were  to  find  grace,  he  therefore  adds  three 
"  hundred  ;  the  numeral  letter  of  which  isT,  [the  figure 
"  of  the  cross.]  Wherefore,  by  two  letters  he  signified 
"  Jesus,  and  by  the  third,  his  cross.  He  who  has  put 
*'  the  engrafted  gift  of  his  doctrine  within  us,  knows  that 
"  I  never  taught  to  any  a  more  certain  truth  ;  but  I 
"  trust  that  ye  are  worthy  of  it^."  Such  is  one  of  the 
important  discoveries  our  author  communicates  ;  and 
strange  as  it  may  seem,  the  later  fathers,  even  those  of 
undoubted  learning^',  appear  to  have  been,  by  no  means, 
insensible  to  the  charms  of  this  kind  of  nonsense. 

He  speaks  of  Christ's  coming,  at  the  end  of  all 
things,  when  he  shall  "  abolish  the  season  of  the  Wicked 
"  One,  and  judge  the  ungodly,  and  change  the  sun,  the 
*' moon  and  the  stars'^."  It  was  necessary,  says  he, 
that  Christ  should  appear  in  the  flesh,- that  "  preparing 
"  himself  a  new^  j)^ople,  he  might  demonstrate  to  them, 
"  whilst  he  was  upon  earth,  that  after  the  resurrec- 
"  tion,  he  would  judge  the  w^orld''."  It  is  worthy  of  re- 
mark, that  of  all  the  christian  writings,  after  the  sacred 

*•  i.  c  the  Greek  Eta,  or  long  E. — IE  are  the  first   two   letters  of 
the    word  Jesus.  y    Barriabas's  Epist.  ^  9.     Wiike's  trmisl. 

z.  Viz.  Justin  Martyr,  Irenaeus,  ClemensAlexandrinuSj  &c.       ».  Bar- 
nab.  Epist.  ^  15.         b.  Ditto.  ^  5. 


i.  ]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  37 

scriptures,  this  Epistle  is  the  first  in  which  we  find  the 
vvord  everlasting,  or  eternal,  applied  to  suffering  :  Near 
the  end,  Barnabas  represents  two  ways,  that  of  Light, 
over  which  the  angels  of  God  are  appointed,  and  that 
of  Darkness,  where  the  angels  of  Satan  preside  ;  and 
after  describing  the  manner  of  walking  in  the  way  of 
Light,  _he  says,  "  But  the  way  of  Darkness  is  crooked, 
"  and  full  of  cursing  ;  for  it  is  the  way  of  eternal  death 
*'  with  punishment,  in  which  they  that  walk  meet  with 
"those  things  that  destroy  their  own  souls'^."  He  af- 
terwards adds,  that  he  who  chooses  this  part,  shall  "  be 
"  destroyed,  together  with  his  works.  For  this  cause, 
"  there  shall  be  both  a  resurrection  and  a  retribution'^." 
Throughout  his  Epistle  he  says  nothing  of  L^niversal 
Salvation  ;  and  it  is  manifest,  from  what  we  have  quo- 
ted, that  he  beUeved  in  a  future  state  of  punishment. 
But  whether  he  thought  it  endless,  cannot  be  deter- 
mined ;  as  the  word  everlasting  or  eternal,  was  used  by 
the  ancients,  to  denote  indefinite  rather  than  intermina- 
ble duration^. 

VIIL  The  last,  as  well  as  the  longest,  of 
A.  D.  150.  the  works  of  the  Apostolical  Fathers,  so  call- 
ed, is  that  efiusion  of  second  childishness. 
The  Shepherd  of  Her mas^ .     It  was  written  at  Rome,  by 

c  Ditto.  6  18,  and  20.  d  Ditto.  ^21.  e  See  instances  of  this 
in  the  next  Chapter,  Sect,  iii.iv.  xi.and  in  succeeding  Chapters. 
fit  had  been  long  debated,  by  the  learned,  whether  tiiis  work  was 
composed  in  the  first  century,  by  that  Hermas  whom  St.  Paul  men- 
lions  (Rom.  xvi.  14.) ;  or  in  the  second  century,  by  another  Hermas, 
brother  to  Pius,  bishop  of  Rome.  But  the  question  was  finally  deci- 
ded by  a  fragment  of  a  work  of  the  second  century,  brought  to  light 
by  Muratori ;  "  Hermas,  brother  to  Pius  bishop  of  the  church  in  the 
"city  of  Rome,"  says  this  fragment,  "wrote  very  lately,  in  our  own 
"time,  The  Shepherd^  at  Rome."     (See  Mosheim's  Commentaries  on 

4 


38  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

a  brother  of  the  bishop  of  that  city  ;  but  it  betrays  an  ig- 
norant and  imbecile  mind,  in  absolute  dotage.  Its  ob- 
ject appears  to  have  been  to  excite  the  professors  of 
Christianity  to  more  uprightness,  zeal,  and  abstraction 
from  the  business  as  well  as  ordinary  pleasures  of  hfe ; 
and  tliis,  the  author  strives  to  effect  by  relating  pre- 
tended visions,  and  by  introducing  instructions  from  an 
angel,  who  occasionally  appeared  to  him,  as  he  asserts, 
in  the  habit  of  a  shepherd.  But  the  conversation  he  at- 
tributes to  his  celestial  visitants,  is  more  insipid  than  we 
commonly  hear  from  the  weakest  of  men. 

Without  extracting  at  full  length,  as  in  the  case  of 
former  w^orks,  the  several  passages  w^hich  seem  to  have 
a  relation  to  our  subject,  it  is  sufficient  to  observe  that 
Herraas  has  left  nothing  to  determine  his  views  of  the 
final  extent  of  salvation,  unless  it  may  be  gathered, 
from  the  following,  that  he  totally  precludes  some  of 
the  human  race  from  all  prospect  of  bhss  :  He  teaches 
that  a  christian,  if  he  sin  after  his  baptism,  may  possibly 
be  allowed  the  privilege  of  one  repentance,  and  of  one 
only^ ;  but  that  for  such  as  apostatize  from  the  faith,  and 
blaspheme  God,  there  is  no  return.  They  have /orei^er 
departed  from  God  ;  and,  in  the  next  world,  they  are 
to  be  burned,  together  with  the  heathen  nations''.  Strong 
as  such  language  may  seem,  those  acquainted  with  the 
style  of  the  earhest  fathers,  will  not,  perhaps,  account  it 

the  Affairs  of  the  Christians,  &c.  eccl.  hist,  of  the  first  Cent.  ^  liv. 
notes  n  and  o;  where  may  be  found  a  full  discussion  of  this  point.) 
Tile  date  o^The  /Sf/tej9/ier(/,'therefore,  cannot  be  much  earlier  than  a.  d. 
150 ;  perhaps  later.  s  Hermas.  Book  ii.  Command,  iv.  §  3.  com- 
pared with  Book  i.  Vis.  ii.  ^  2.  Wake's  transL  h  Ditto.  Book  iii. 
IsJimil.  vi.  §  2 


i.  ]  OF  UNI  VERS  ALISM.  39 

altogether  decisive  in  favor  of  endless  perdition.  We 
may  here  add,  that  Hermas  supposed  that  the  Apos- 
tles, after  their  death,  went  and  preached  to  the  souls 
of  those  who  had  led  pure  and  virtuous  lives  before 
Christ's  birth ;  and  that  when  those  spirits  had  thus 
heard  the  gospel,  they  received  water  baptism,  in  some 
w^ay  untold,  and  then  entered  the  kingdom  of  God*.  He 
also  held  an  opinion,  common  during  the  remainder  of 
this  century,  that  the  end  of  the  world  was  near  at  handJ. 
IX.  We  must  now  take  our  leave,  for  a  while,  of  the 
orthodox  behevers,  and  go  back  to  an  account  of  a  very 
different  kind  of  christians,  concerning  whom  we  have 
not  even  the  feeble  hght  hitherto  enjoyed,  to  guide  our 
investigations. 

go.  No   part  of   ecclesiastical  history    is  in- 

,  ^  ^  volved  in  more  uncertainty  than  that  of  the 
Gnostic  heretics  of  the  first  and  second  cen- 
turies. Their  own  writings,  except  a  few  unconnected 
fragments,  are  wholly  lost;  and  the  only  way  of  at- 
taining to  an  acquaintance  with  them  and  their  senti- 
ments, is  by  comparing  the  faulty,  and  often  abusive, 
representations  of  their  zealous  opposers,  with  the  im- 
perfect knowledge  we  have  of  that  system  of  philoso- 
phy, the  Oriental,  which  they  amalgamated  \vith  Chris- 
tianity''. That  they  believed  in  our  Saviour  as  a  mes- 
senger   from  the  Supreme  God,  and    generally  main- 

»  Ditto.  Book  iii.  Simil.  ix.  §  16.  J  Ditto.  Book  i.  Vis.  iv.  §  3, 
k  I,  however,  attempt  only  to  follow  our  modern  historian,  Mosheim, 
(Ecclesiastical  History :  and  Commentaries  on  the  Affairs  of  the 
Christians,  Sec.)  with  some  help  from  Le  Clerc,  (Histor.  Eccl.  duo- 
rum  primorum,  a  Christo  nato,  Sasculorum)  from  Beausobre,  (Histoire 
de  Manichee  &e.)  and  from  the  History  of  Heretics  in  Lardner's 
Works. 


40  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

tained  their  christian  profession  amidst  the  opposition  of 
the  heathens  and  the  obloquy  of  the  orthodox,  is  cer- 
tain. But  it  is  now  considered  equally  certain  that 
they  believed,  some  of  them,  that  Jesus  Christ  was  an 
angehc  being  of  the  highest  order,  who  came  into 
our  world  with  only  the  visionary  appearance,  not  the 
real  body,  of  a  man  ;  and  others,  that  Jesus  alone  was 
-a  mere  man,  with  a  human  soul,  into  Vvhom  the  Christ, 
a  high  celestial  spirit,  descended  at  his  baptism  in  Jor- 
dan. As  to  the  object  of  our  Saviour's  mission,  they 
are  thought  to  have  been  perfectly  agreed,  that  it  was, 
not  to  satisfy  any  \andictive  justice  in  Deity,  whom  they 
considered  infinitely  good,  but  to  deliver  mankind  from 
the  oppressive  service  of  the  degenerate  gods  of  this 
world,  and  to  teach  them  how  to  subdue  their  passions, 
and  approximate  the  Supreme  God,  the  fountain  of  pu- 
rity and  bhss.  From  the  long-venerated,  but  chimeri- 
cal, philosophy  of  the  Persians,  they  retained  the  no- 
tion that  the  material  world  was  formed,  not  by  the 
Self-Existent,  but  by  the  inferior  gods,  called  Eons, 
whose  being  was  derived  through  a  long  and  intricate 
succession,  as  most  of  them  thought,  originally  from 
him^  This  led  them  to  regard  the  God  of  the  Jews, 
the  Jehovah  of  the  Old  Testament,  as  but  a  secondary 
being,  the  principal  Maker  of  this  v.orld  ;  and  they  also 
concluded  that  he  had  apostatized,  more  or  less,  from 
the  divine   allegiance,  inasmuch  as  he  had  arrogated  to 

1  A  few  of  them,  jc»er/if';><f,  held  two  original,  self-existent  Beings, 
an  evil  as  well  as  u  good  Deity.  Such,  it  is  conjectured,  was  the 
opinion  of  the  Saturninians,  about  a.  d.  120,  and  of  the  Marcionites, 
about  A.  D.  140.  This  is,  however,  denied  in  the  History  of  H-ere- 
tics  in  Lardners  Works,  and  also  by  Beausobre. 


i.]  OF  UNIVERSALISxM.  41 

himself  the  honors  of  worship,  and  as  Christ  had  been 
sent  to  annul  his  ancient  covenant,  and  to  overthrow  his 
institutions.  From  the  same  philosophy,  they  also  re- 
ceived the  doctrine  of  the  eternity  of  matter,  and,  espe- 
cially, of  its  inherent,  radical  depravity.  Hence,  they 
in  general  discarded  the  hope  of  the  resurrection  of  the 
material  body,  which,  in  their  view,  would  but  perpetu- 
ate the  bondage  and  corruption  of  the  soul.  With  such 
dislike  did  most  of  them  regard  the  body,  that  they 
prescribed  an  excessively  rigid  discipline,  a  continual 
abstinence,  in  order  to  thwart  all  its  inclinations,  and  to 
weaken,  as  far  as  possible,  its  power  over  the  mind. 

Such  are  the  common  outlines  of  their  several  sys- 
tems, as  laid  down  by  the  more  judicious  of  modern  his- 
torians, who  at  the  same  time  confess  and  lament  the 
impossibihty  of  arriving  at  a  satisfactory  knowledge  of 
the  subject.  All  the  Gnostics  were  reproached,  by 
their  cotemporary  orthodox  adversaries,  with  being 
abandoned  to  licentiousness :  a  character  which  the 
heathens  first  bestowed  with  unsparing  liberality,  upon 
the  orthodox  themselves,  and  which  these,  in  turn,  have 
as  freely  transmitted,  and  doubtless  from  much  the 
same  motives,  to  tlie  successive  orders  of  heretics"^ 

m  The  licentiousness,  alledged  by  the  ancient  orthodox  against  the 
Gnostics,  is  in  part  denied,  and  in  part  admitted,  by  Mosheim  ;  uni- 
formly mentioned  in  terms  of  uncertainty,  by  Le  Clerc;  and  wholly 
denied,  by  Beausobre  ;  as  it  likewise  is,  in  the  History  of  Heretics  in 
Lardner  s  Works.  The  following  remark  deserves  more  considera- 
tion than,  I  fear,  mostreaders  will  allow  it :  '■  This  is  certain,  that  as 
bad  things  were  said  of  the  primitive  christians,  as  were  ever  said  of 
the  ancient  heretics  by  the  Catholics,  [Orthodox.]  Modern  Refonn- 
crs  have  been  treated  just  in  the  same  manner."  (Hist,  of  Heretics, 
Book  i.  Sect.  8.  Lardner's  Works.)  Look  into  Roman  Catholic  wri- 
tings, and  see  all  kinds  of  immoral  tenets  attributed  to  Luther,  Cal- 
vin, and  their  associates  ;  turn  to  the  Protestant  side,  and  see  the 
4^ 


42  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

Some  of  the  Gnostics,  perhaps  some  of  the  earliest, 
believed  in  the  endless  exclusion  of  a  part  of  mankind 
from  the  abodes  of  celestial  light.  But  among  those 
who  arose  in  Egypt  there  were  many,  particularly  the 
Basilidians,  the  Carpocratians  and  the  Valentinians,  who 
are  supposed  to  have  held  an  eventual  restoration,  or 
rather  transmigration,  of  all  human  souls  to  a  heaven  of 
purity  and  bliss.  But  this  tenet  they  appear  to  have 
involved  in  other  notions  wild  and  chimerical  enough  to 
warrant  the  suspicion  of  lunacy,  were  it  not  for  the  an- 
tiquity, prevalence,  and  reputation  of  that  whimsical 
philosophy  from  which  they  were  derived. 

AT  X.  The  Basilidians  and  Carpocratians,  it 

-1^^    is    said,  beheved  that   such  souls    as  here 

A.  D.  120.  '  _  ^ 

follow  the  instructions  of  our  Saviour, 
will,  at  death,  ascend  immediately  to  the  happy  man- 
sions above  ;  while,  on  the  contrary,  such  as  neglect 
and  disobey,  will  be  condemned  to  pass  into  other  bo- 
dies, either  of  men  or  brutes,  until  by  their  purification 
they  shall  be  fitted  to  share  the  joys  of  the  incorporeal 
blest ;  and  so,  all  will  finally  be  sav'ed. 

The  Basilidians  were  the  followers  of  Basihdes,  a 
Gnostic  christian  and  Egyptian  philosopher,  who  flour- 


charge  retorted  with,  at  least,  equal  exaggeration ;  hear  the  mutual 
criminations  of  our  modern  sects,  who  accuse  each  other  of  principles 
of  conduct  which  they  never  thought  of; — and  then  judge  how  much 
credit  sliould  be  given  to  ancient  calumnies  of  the  same  sort !  It  is 
a  curious  circumstance  that  Mosheim,  honored  and  admired,  and 
standing  on  high  ground  in  a  national  church,  had  never,  himself, en- 
countered the  slander  of  bigotry ;  while  Le  Clerc,  an  odious  Arminian 
from  Geneva,  and  Beausobre,  a  Protestant  refugee  from  France,  had 
ample  experience  of  its  mahgnity  and  falsehood.  The  Unitarian 
Lardner  was,  in  his  own  country,  a  heretic  of  the  most  obnoxious 
kind. 


iO  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  43 

ished  at  Alexandria  in  the  early  part  of  the  second  cen- 
tury, and  died  there  between  the  years  130  and  140. 
Though  he  beheved  in  one  self-existent,  supreme,  and 
infinitely  glorious  God,  yet  he  also  held  that  depraved 
matter  had  been,  in  one  state  or  another,  coeval  with 
him.  In  the  past  ages  of  eternity,  the  deity  produced 
from  himself  certain  Eons,  who,  in  their  turn,  begat 
others,  but  of  a  rank  somewhat  inferior,  and  of  a  low^er 
station ;  and  from  these  again  proceeded  a  species  still 
less  exaked  ;  and  so  on  in  succession,  till  the  celestial 
hierarchy  extended  from  the  highest  heaven  down  to 
the  vicinity  of  chaotic  matter.  The  lowest  race  of 
Eons,  whose  station  was  the  nethermost  heaven,  under- 
took, at  length,  to  reduce  the  immense  material  mass 
below  them  from  its  pristine  state  of  disorder ;  and  ha- 
ving formed  it  into  a  world,  and  made  man  with  a  body 
and  a  material  soul,  the  Deity,  approving  their  work, 
gave  the  creature  a  rational  mind,  and  thus  comj)leted 
the  undertaking.  He  then  allowed  these  Eons  to  di- 
vide among  themselves  the  government  of  the  world 
they  had  formed.  But  they,  swerving  by  degrees  from 
their  allegiance,  arrogated  at  length  divine  honors  from 
their  creatures,  grew  ambitious  of  enlarging,  each  one, 
his  dominion  over  the  territory  of  the  others,  and  for  this 
purpose  embroiled  mankind  in  mutual  wars,  till  the 
world  became  full  of  wretchedness  and  crime.  Touched 
Vv'ith  compassion  for  the  human  race,  God  sent  his  Son, 
the  first-begotten  and  noblest  of  all  the  Eons,  to  take  up 
his  abode  in  the  man  Jesus ;  and  through  him  to  pro- 
claim the  supreme,  but  forgotten.  Deity,  teach  mankind 
to  abjure  the  authority  of  their  tyrannical  gods,  espe- 


44  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [  Chap. 

cially  of  the  God  of  the  Jews  ;  and  to  instruct  them 
how  to  subdue  their  own  sinful  propensities,  by  mortify- 
ing their  bodies,  as  well  as  by  governing  their  passions. 
The  God  of  the  Jews,  alarmed  for  his  dominion,  exci- 
ted the  people  to  apprehend  and  crucify  Jesus  ;  but 
the  Christ,  the  celestial  Eon,  had  left  his  mortal  abode 
before  the  suffering  man  was  nailed  to  the  cross. 

Basihdes  taught  that  God  is  perfectly  good,  or  bene- 
volent, in  the  real  sense  of  those  words ;  but  that  he  in- 
flicts the  proper  punishment  for  every  wilful  transgres- 
sion, whether  of  saint  or  sinner.  Reformation  and  im- 
provement are  the  grand  objects,  as  he  appears  to  have 
held,  of  all  punishment,  and  of  all  God's  dealings  with 
mankind.  Though  he  treated  the  Old  Testament  with 
respect,  as  the  revelation  of  that  dignified  Being  who 
governed  the  Jews,  he  did  not  think  it  inspired  by  the 
supreme  God ;  and  he  is  accused  of  having  also  re- 
jected some  parts  of  the  New  Testament ;  which,  though 
possibly  a  fact",  cannot  be  satisfactorily  proved.  He 
wrote  a  Commentary,  in  twenty  four  books,  on  the  Gos- 
pels, which  was  soon  answered  by  Agrippa  Castor,  a 
cotempory  orthodox  WTiter. 

Basilides  is  thought  to  have  been  a  grave  and  pious 
man,  but  bewildered  by  the  fabulous  theology  of  the 
East.  He  had  a  son,  named  Isidore,  who  wrote  some 
books,  long  since  lost,  in  illustration  of  their  religious 
sentiments.  His  sect,  though  often  assailed,  and  con- 
stantly opposed,  botli  by  the  orthodox  and  the  heathens, 

n  Mosheim  thinks  it  credible;  Beausobre  sees  no  proof  of  it;  and 
in  the  History  of  Heretics  in  Lardner,  it  is  disputed.  Le  Clerc  says 
nothing  about  it. 


i.  ]  OF  UNI  VERS  ALISM.  45 

was  for  a  long  time  numerous,  chiefly  in  Egypt  and 
Asia.  After  having  continued  about  two  hundred  years, 
we  find  it  broken  and  decreased  in  the  fourth  century  ; 
and  not  long  afterwards  it  probably  became  extinct,  or 
perhaps  coalesced  with  that  of  the  Manicheans. 

XI.  The  Carpocratians,  who  arose  at  the  same  place, 
and  nearly  at  the  same  time,  with  the  BasiUdians,  agreed 
with  them  in  the  final  salvation  of  all  souls,  and  did  not 
greatly  differ  from  them  in  the  general  system  of  their 
doctrine.  Like  them,  they  distinguished  oetween  the 
Deity  and  the  inferior  Eons  who  formed  the  w^orld  ; 
hke  them  they  beheved  that  matter  had  existed  from 
eternity,  and  was  unalterably  corrupt.  They,  indeed, 
arranged  the  Eons  in  a  little  different  order  ;  and  there 
is  some  reason  to  think  that  they  considered  our  Saviour 
not  a  tw^o-fold  being,  human  and  angelic,  but  a  mere 
man,  though  of  more  than  ordinary  wisdom  and  divine 
intelligence.  He  was  selected  and  appointed  by  Dehy, 
to  teach  mankind  the  knowledge  of  the  true  God,  and 
to  abolish  the  dominion  of  the  arrogant  makers  of  the 
world. 

Tliis  sect,  which  seems  never  to  have  been  large, 
spread  chiefly  in  Egypt  and  the  adjoining  parts  of  Asia  ; 
and  disappeared,  probably,  in  little  more  than  a  century 
after  its  rise,  if  indeed  it  had  ever  been  altogether  dis- 
tinct from  that  of  the  Basilidians.  Its  founder  w^as  Car- 
pocrates,  a  learned  Egyptian,  who  flourished  at  Alex- 
andria, about  the  year  130.  His  son,  Epiphanes,  w^as 
a  youth  of  vast  attainments  and  extraordinary  promise  5 
but  he  died  (about  A.  D.  140)  at  the  early  age  of  se- 


46  THE  ANCIExNT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

venteen,   after  having  written  several  treatises  on  reli- 
gious subjects. 

Their  ancient  opponents  accuse  the  Carpocratians  of 
avowing  the  most  infamous  principles  of  moral  conduct, 
and  even  of  teaching  that  to  arrive  at  heaven,  we  must 
devote  ourselves  to  the  perpetration  of  every  vile  and  li- 
centious abomination  :  a  calumny  which,  by  its  mani- 
fest exaggeration  and  mahce,  becomes  injurious  only  to 
its  authors.  Some  of  the  learned  allow  no  credit  what- 
ever to  any  of  the  disadvantageous  representations  of 
their  moral  character ;  while  others  refuse  to  exculpate 
them  entirely,  at  the  consequent  expense  of  their  ortho- 
dox slanderers*'. 

About  ^^^'    ^    ^^^^^  more    whimsical    sect    of 

Gnostics  than  either  of  the  preceding,  was 

A.  D.    130.         .       Tx   1       .•    •  TiT  •      .1     '        • 

the  Valentmians.  IVlan,  m  their  view,  was 
a  complex  being,  consisting,  1,  of  the  outward  visible 
body;  2,  of  another  body^'  within  this,  composed  of 
fluid  matter,  and  imperceptible  to  the  senses ;  3,  of  an 
animated  soul,  the  seat  of  life  and  sensation  ortly;  and 
4,  of  a  nobler,  rational  soul,  of  an  angelic  substance. 
The  bodies,  both  outward  and  internal,  were,  they  held, 
destined  to  perish ;  of  the  two  souls,  the  animal  or  sen- 

o  Among  the  licentious  tenets  charged  on  the  Carpocratians,  some 
of  the. most  moderate  and  judicious  of  the  moderns  consider  that  of 
the  community  of  women,  as  well  as  of  goods,  justly  imputed  to  them. 
But  in  the  Hist,  of  Heretics  in  Lardner,  (book  ii.  ch.  iii.  §  11.)  this 
charge  is,  I  tiiink,  fairly  shown  to  rest  on  very  uncertain  authority, 
and  to  be,  in  itself,  quite  improbable.  Mosheim,  in  his  Commenta- 
ries. &c.  has  greatly  softened  the  features  of  the  picture  which  he 
had  drawn  of  the  Carpocratians,  in  his  Ecclesiastical  History. 

P  At  least,  so  asserts  Mosheim,  confidently;  from  whom,  there- 
fore, I  dare  not  wander,  though  in  this  particular,  I  follow  him  with 
much  doubt. 


i.  ]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  47 

sitive  could  be  saved  by  its  obedience,  or  by  its  negli- 
gence bring  upon  itself  entire  dissolution  at  deatb  ;  but 
the  rational,  intelligent  soul,  will,  in  all  cases,  be  ad- 
mitted to  the  realms  of  bliss. 

In  the  immediate  habitation  of  Deity,  a  world  of  pure 
light,  infinitely  above  the  visible  heavens,  the  Valentini- 
ans  placed  thirty  Eons,  divided  into  three  orders.  These 
were  guarded  by  Horus,  stationed  on  the  extreme  verge 
of  the  high  abode,  to  prevent  them  from  wandering  off 
into  the  immense  regions  of  chaotic  matter  which  lay 
around.  The  Eons,  in  process  of  time,  grew  envious  of 
the  distinguished  and  peculiar  fehcity  enjoyed  by  the 
first  and  highest  individual  of  their  number,  who  alone 
was  adequate  to  comprehend  the  Supreme  Father's 
greatness.  The  ardent  desire  to  attain  the  same  di\ine 
pleasure  grew  stronger  and  stronger  among  them  ;  until 
Wisdom,  the  youngest  and  weakest  of  all,  became  ex- 
cessively agitated.  From  her  ungovernable  perturba- 
tions sprang  a  daughter,  who  was  immediately  expelled 
into  the  vast  aWss  of  rude  and  unformed  matter  with- 
out. To  allay  the  agitation  thus  raised  in  the  celestial 
realm,  the  Deity  produced  two  new  Eons,  who  instruct- 
ed the  others  to  be  content  with  their  hmited  capacity, 
and  to  unite  all  their  powers  in  giving  existence  to  a 
being  called  Jesus,  the  noblest  and  brightest  of  all  the 
Eons. 

Scarcely  was  the  tranquilhty  of  the  heavenly  world 
thus  restored,  when  the  most  violent  commotions  began 
to  agitate  the  drear  abyss  without.  The  exiled  daugh- 
ter of  Wisdom  had  caught  some  glimpses  of  the  eter- 
nal radiance,  and  attempted  to  gain  the  glorious  abode  ; 


48  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

but  being  continually  repulsed  by  its  watchful  guardian, 
her  passions  of  grief,  anxiety  and  desire  grew  so  vio- 
lent, that  the  chaotic  mass  of  matter  in  which  she  was 
immersed,  caught  the  strong  contagious  emotions,  and 
became  thereby  separated  into  the  different  elements 
which  exist  in  our  world.  By  the  assistance  of  Jesus, 
she  formed  a  being  who  is  the  Maker  and  Governor  of 
the  material  system.  This  creator,  having  afterwards, 
with  the  same  assistance,  constructed  the  visible  Uni- 
verse, took  up  his  abode  in  the  lowest  heaven,  far  from 
the  refulgent  habitation  of  Deity  ;  and  here  his  vanity  at 
length  transported  him  to  fancy  himself  really  the  only 
true  God,  and  to  call  upon  mankind  by  his  prophets, 
especially  by  those  he  sent  to  the  Jews,  to  worship  him 
as  such.  To  extricate  mankind  from  this  delusion,  to 
reveal  the  Deity  to  them,  to  teach  them  piety  and  vir- 
tue, was  Christ,  one  of  the  Eons,  sent  into  the  world. 
He  had  a  real  body,  but  different  from  those  of  mortals, 
as  it  was  composed  of  an  etherial  substance  ;  and  when 
he  was  baptized  in  Jordan,  Jesus  hlmgelf,  in  the  form 
of  a  dove,  descended  into  him.  Thus  completely  con- 
stituted, our  Saviour  proceeded,  by  means  of  instruc- 
tions and  miracles,  to  fulfil  his  ministry,  ^he  Maker 
of  the  world  was  enraged  by  his  success,  and  procured 
his  apprehension  and  crucifixion ;  but  not  till  both  Je- 
sus and  the  spiritual,  rational  soul  of  Christ  had  as- 
cended, leaving  nothing  but  the  sensitive  soul  and  the 
etherial  body  to  suffer.  Like  other  Gnostics,  the  Val- 
entinians  denied  the  resurrection  of  the  body,  and  con- 
sidered the  authors  of  the  Old  Testament  as  being  un- 
der the  inspiration  of  the  Maker  of  this  world. 


i.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  49 

This  sect  sprung  from  Valentine,  an  Egyptian,  who, 
after  propagating  his  notions,  for  a  while,  in  his  native 
country,  went,  about  A.  D.  140,  to  Rome.  Here,  so 
many  professors  embraced  his  \'iews,  that  the  church 
became  alarmed,  and  after  thrice  excommunicating  him, 
succeeded  in  rendering  his  residence  in  Italy  so  uncom- 
fortable, that  he  w^ithdrew  to  the  island  of  Cyprus. 
In  this  delightful  and  luxurious  region,  his  sect  flourish- 
ed in  quiet ;  and  after  his  death,  which  occurred,  per- 
haps, a  little  subsequent  to  A.  D.  1 50,  widely  diffused 
itself  throughout  Asia,  Africa  and  Europe,  and  became 
an  object  of  considerable  fear  and  apprehension  to  the 
orthodox  churches.  It  existed  about  a  century  and  a 
half;  when  it  seems  to  have  sunk  gradually  into  obliv- 
ion. Many  of  its  sentiments,  how^ever,  were  then  revived 
among  the  Manicheans,  whom  we  shall  consider  in  their 
proper  place. 

XIII.  In  closing  our  account  of  these  Gnostic  sects, 
it  is  important  to  remark,  that  while  the  orthodox  fath- 
ers warmly  and  bitterly  attacked  their  respective  sys- 
tems in  general,  it  does  not  appear  that  they  ever  se- 
lected the  particular  tenet  of  the  salvation  of  all  souls, 
as  obnoxious.  What  chiefly  excited  their  resentment 
and  animadversions,  was,  the  distinction  between  Deity 
and  the  Maker  of  the  world,  the  fables  of  the  Eons,  the 
views  of  our  Saviour's  person,  the  rejection  of  the  Old 
Testament,  and  the  denial  of  the  resurrection,  and  of  a 
future  judgment. 


CHAPTER  II. 

[From  A.  D.  150,  lo  A.  D.  190.] 

A.  D.  150.  I.  Heresies  had  now  multiplied  to  such 
a  number,  and  spread  to  such  an  extent,  as  to  become 
troublesome^  to  the  regular  and  approved  churches; 
and  several  sects  had  established  separate  communi- 
ties, in  distinction  from  the  common  body.  Most  of 
these  were  of  the  Gnostic  kind,  already  described  ;  but 
there  was  one  which,  though  small,  deserves  particular 
mention,  as  consisting  of  that  part  of  the  original  church 
at  Jerusalem,  which  continued  to  adhere,  with  unyield- 
ing tenacity,  to  the  practice  of  the  Mosaic  rituals.  This 
was  the  Nazarene,  or  Ebionite,  sect,  which  is  said  to 
have  held  the  simple  humanity  of  Jesus  Christ. 

But  from  the  heretics,  of  all  kinds,  we  return  to  a 
view  of  the  doctrine  and  character  of  the  orthodox. 
Many  of  the  vulgar  superstitions  of  the  Gentiles  began 
to  prevail  among  them,  concerning  magic,  the  demons, 
and  the  poetical  regions  of  the  infernal  world  ;  and  the 
Greek  philosophy,  which  had  begun  to  mingle  with  tlie 
doctrine  of  Christ,  was  rapidly  modifying  his  religion  to 
its  own  perverse  genius.  The  creduhty  of  this  age 
was  rank,  and  the  learning  of  the  day,  at  least  that  of 

a  This  is  evident  from  the  circumstance  that  Agrippa  Castor  wrote 
a  book  against  the  heretics  some  years  before  this  period,  and  Justin 
Martyr  a  little  after. 


ii.]  OF  UxNIVERSALISM.  gj 

the  fathers,  was  too  superficial  to  prove  either  a  pre- 
ventive or  remedy.  Apostolical  tradition  also  began 
to  be  urged  as  proof,  when  it  was  so  far  lost  or  corrup- 
ted, that  even  they  who  had  been  disciples  of  the  apos- 
tles, adduced  contrary  traditions  on  one  and  the  same 
point  ^;  and  yet  upon  this  very  precarious  authority 
some  whimsical  notions*^  prevailed.  To  these  shades 
in  the  picture  we  must  add  a  still  darker  :  the  christians, 
orthodox,  as  well  as  heretics,  appear  to  have  employ- 
ed, in  some  cases,  known  falsehood  in  support  of  their 
cause.  This  pernicious  artifice  they  are  said  to  have 
derived  from  the  Platonic  paradox,  that  it  is  lawful  to 
lie  for  the  truth;  but  one  would  suppose  it  suggested 
by  their  own  intemperate  zeal,  rather  than  by  any  max- 
ims of  philosophy.  They  had  already  begun  to  forge 
books  in  support  of  their  religion,  a  practice  which,  it 
is  thought,  they  borrowed  from  the  heretics;  and  they 
now  proceeded  to  propagate  accounts  of  frequent  mira-^ 
cles,  concerning  which,  all  the  earlier  WTiters,  after  the 
apostles,  had  been  entirely  silent. 

II.  In  the  works  which  we  have  hitherto  had  under 
examination,  we  can  discover  little  that  belongs  to  the 
Grecian  literature,  except  the  language.  All  their  fanciful 
conceits,  all  their  extravagances,  are  either  of  that  pecu- 
liar character  which  denotes  a  Jewish,  at  least  Asiatic, 
origin ;  or  else  are  the  natural  efRisions  of  a  stupidity 

b  Polycarp  visited  Anicetus,  bishop  at  Rome,  about  a.  d.  150,  and 
held  an  amicable  discussion  with  him  on  the  proper  time  for  holding 
Easter.  Each,  according  to  Eusebius  (Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  v.  cap.  24,)  al- 
leged Apostolical  tradition  for  his  own  time,  in  opposition  to  that 
of  the  other;  and  they  parted,  but  in  friendship,  without  coming  to 
an  agreement  on  the  point.  c  The  doctrine  of  the  proper  Millen- 
arians,  for  instance. 


52  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

that  needs  not  the  aggravation  of  false  learning  to  ren- 
der itself  ridiculous.  But  when  we  pass  the  Shepherd 
of  Hermas,  we  enter  immediately  on  a  new  series  of 
ecclesiastical  writings,  in  most  of  which  the  learn- 
ing of  the  Athenian  and  Roman  schools  is  divest- 
ed of  its  elegance  and  converted  into  Christianity. 
This,  hov/ever,  we  shall  have  occasion  to  exempli- 
fy, in  detail,  as  we  pursue  the  course  of  our  examina- 
tion. 

The  works  which  have  descended  to  us  from  the  pe- 
riod embraced  in  this  chapter,  and  which  succeed  those 
of  the  ApostoHcal  fathers,  are  The  SibyUine  Oracles, 
The  Writings  of  Justin  Martyr,  A  Relation  of  the 
Martyrdom  of  Polycarj),  The  Oration  of  Tatian,  The 
Letter  of  the  Churches  of  Lyons  and  Vienna,  Two  pro- 
ductions ofAthenagoras,  A  Treatise  of  Theophylus,  and 
The  Works  of  Irenceus^,  Through  these,  successive- 
ly, we  shall  now  attempt  to  follow  the  traces  of  our 
general  subject. 

-  -^        III.  It  will  be  difficult  to  give  the  reader 

a  just  notion  of  the  first  work.  The   Sihyl- 

^^'         line  Oracles.     They  were  forged®  by  some 

christian  or   christians,   generally  supposed     orthodox, 

for  the  purpose  of  convincing  tlie  heathens  of  the  truth 

d  The  book  of  one  Hermias  in  ridicule  of  the  heathen  philosophers, 
though  often  mentioned  among  the  ecclesiastical  works  of  this  pe- 
riod, is,  by  all,  acknowledged  to  be  of  uncertain  date,  and  by  the  best 
critics,  considered  the  production  of  a  later  age.  e  Cave  thinks 
the  larger  part  of  them  composed  about  a.d.  130,  and  the  rest  before 
A.  D.  192.  Du  Pin  places  them  at  about  a.  d.  ICO.  Lardner  thinks 
they  may  have  been  completed  before  a.  d.  1G9,  though  possibly  not 
till  A.  D  190.  Justin  Martyr  repeatedly  refers  to  them}  andHermas 
probably  alluded  to  them  in  Book  i.  Vis.  ii. 


ii-]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  53 

of  Christianity.  The  Sibyls  were  considered  as  very 
ancient  prophetesses,  of  extraordinary  inspiration, 
among  the  Romans  and  the  Greeks  ;  but  their  books, 
if  they  indeed  existed,  had  ahvays  been  carefully  con- 
cealed from  the  public,  and  consulted  only  upon  emer- 
gencies, and  by  order  of  the  government.  The  great 
veneration  in  which  these  supposed,  but  unknown,  pro- 
phecies were  held  among  the  vulgar,  induced  some 
zealots  to  fabricate,  under  the  name  of  the  sibyls,  and 
in  the  form  of  ancient  predictions,  a  narrative  of  the 
most  striking  events  in  sacred  history,  and  a  delinea- 
tion of  what  was  then  considered  the  christian  faith. 
This  work,  which  w^e  now  have  with  some  variations,^ 
in  eight  books  of  coarse  Greek  verses,  was  then  sent 
into  the  world  to  convert  the  heathens  by  the  pretend- 
ed testimony  of  their  own  prophetesses.  It  appears  to 
have  been  seized  with  avidity  by  the  orthodox  chris- 
tians in  general ;  and  all  their  principal  writers^  quoted 
it  as  genuine,  and  urged  its  testimonies  as  indubitable 
evidence.  It  is  mortifying  to  relate  that  not  one  of  them 
had  the  honesty  to  discard  the  fraud,  even  when  it  was 
detected  by  their  heathen  opponents. 

These  books,  though  brougiit  forth  in  iniquity,   serve 

f  So  think  Fabricius,  Du  Pin,  Le  Clerc,  Lardner  and  Jortin.  Oth- 
ers speak  of  these  now  extant  as  wholly  the  same  with  the  ancient. 
Paley,  who  by  calling  them  Latin  verses,  betrays  his'  ignorance  of 
them,  supposes  they  cannot  be  that  ancient  work,  because  sucii  is 
the  manifestness  of  their  forgery,  that  these  could  not  have  deceived 
the  early  fathers  into  a  belief  of  their  genuineness.  (Evidences  of 
Christian.  Part  i.  chap.  0,  sect,  xi.)  But  ail  this  he  might  have  said, 
with  equal  propriety,  of  the  very  passages  which  they  actually  quot- 
ed. They  were  probably  aware  of  the  forgery.  ff  Justin  Mar- 
tyr, Athenagoras,  Tbeophilus  of  Antioch.  Clemens  Alexandrinus, 
and  the  succeeding  fathers. 

5* 


54  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap, 

to  show  what  sentiments  existed  among  the  christians  ; 
which  is,  indeed,  about  all  the  utility  of  the  genuine 
productions  of  this  period.  They  contain  the  earUest 
explicit  declaration  extant  of  a  restoration  from  the  tor- 
ments of  hell.  Having  predicted  the  burning  of  the 
universe,  the  resurrection  of  the  dead,  the  scene  before 
the  eternal  judgment-seat,  and  the  condemnation  and 
horrible  torments  of  the  damned  in  the  flames  of  hell, 
the  writer  proceeds  to  expatiate  on  the  bliss  and  the 
privileges  of  those  who  are  saved  ;  and  he  concludes  his 
account  by  saying  that,  after  the  general  judgment, 
'*  the  omnipotent,  incorruptible  God  shall  confer  anoth- 
"  er  favor  on  his  worshippers,  when  they  shall  ask  him  : 
"  he  shall  save  mankind  from  the  pernicious  lire  and 
"  immortal  agonies.  This  will  he  do.  For,  ha\ing 
"  gatliered  them,  safely  secured  from  the  unwearied 
"  flame,  and  appointed  them  to  another  place,  he  shall 
"  send  them,  for  his  peoples'  sake,  into  another  and  an 
"  eternal  life,  with  the  immortals  on  the  Elysian  plain, 
"  where  flow  perpetually  the  long  dark  waves  of  the 
"  deep  sea  of  Acheron '\" 

This  work  is  full  of  the  fables  of  the  Greeks  con- 
cerning demons,  the  Titans  or  giants,  and  the  infer- 
nal regions.  The  world  was  to  be  burned  about  the 
end  of  the  second  century ;  and  then  all  mankind 
were  to  be  brought  forth  from  the  secret  receptacle  of 
the  dead  to  judgment ;  when  the  vicious  and  abomin- 
able should  be  condemned  to  an  intense  fiery  tor- 
ment, repeatedly  called  everlastings  and  described  much 

l»  Sibyll.Oracula,  Lib.  ii.  p.  212.  Edit.  Opsopcei,  Paris.  1607. 


ii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  55 

in  the  language,  and  with  many  of  the  circumstances 
employed  by  the  heathen  poets.  The  righteous,  on 
the  contrary,  were  to  be  received  into  a  heaven  too 
nearly  resembling  the  Elysian  fields^ ;  and  finally,  at 
their  request,  the  damned  were  to  be  admitted  to  the 
hke  happiness. 

The  following  prophecy  of  the  final  conflagration  may 
amuse^  as  a  specimen  of  the  author's  descriptions : — 
Elijah,  "  the  Thesbite,  shall  descend  from  heaven, 
"  drawn  in  a  celestial  car,  and  show  the  whole 
"  world  the  three  signs  of  the  destruction  of  all  fife. 
"  Woe  unto  them  whom  that  day  shall  overtake  op- 
"  pressed  with  the  burden  of  the  womb  ;  woe  unto 
"  them  who  shall  nurse  children  at  the  breast,  and  unto 
"  those  who  shall  dwell  near  the  waters.  Woe  unto 
"  them  who  shall  see  that  day ;  for  from  the  rising  to 
''  the  setting  sun,  and  from  the  north  to  the  south,  the 
"  whole  world  shall  be  involved  in  the  gloom  of  a  hide- 
"  ous  night.  A  burning  river  of  fire  shall  then  flow 
"  from  the  lofty  heavens,  and  utterly  consume  the  earth, 
"  the  vast  ocean  with  its  cerulean  abyss,  the  lakes,  riv- 
"  ers,  fountains,  the  horrible  realm  of  Pluto,  and  the  ce- 
"  lestial  pole.  The  stars  in  heaven  shall. melt  and  drop 
"  down  without  form.  All  mankind  shall  gnash  their 
"  teeth,  encompassed  on  every  hand  with  a  flood  of  fire, 
"  and  covered  with  burning  cinders.  The  elements  of 
"  the  world  shall  lie  forsaken  :  the  air,  the  earth,  the 
"  heavens,  the  sea,  the  light,  and  nights  and  days  be 
"  confounded^." 

i  All  these  particulars  may  be  found  in  Lib.  ii.        J  Ditto.  Lib.  ii, 
p.  201. 


56  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

IV.  We  proceed  to  the  writings  of  the 
A.  D.  150,  renowned  Justin  Martyr,  the  first  professed 
to  162.  scholar  of  the  Grecian  philosophy,  whose 
productions  in  favor  of  the  christian  reli- 
gion, have  reached  us.  He  was  a  native  of  Neapolis, 
the  ancient  Sichem,  in  Palestine.  Having  sought,  as 
he  says,  for  the  knowledge  ofthe  true  God,  among  all 
the  sects  of  heathen  philosophers,  he  was  at  length 
converted  to  Christianity  by  the  conversation  of  an  old 
man  ;  but  he  never  laid  aside  the  pecuHar  habit  nor  the 
profession  of  the  Platonics.  He  engaged,  however, 
with  great  zeal  and  boldness  in  the  christian  cause,  for 
which  he  v/rote  two  Apologies  :  one,  addressed  to  the 
emperor  Antoninus  Pius,  about  A.  D.  150;  and  the 
other,  about  A.  D.  162,  to  the  succeeding  emperor, 
Marcus  Antoninus,  and  to  the  Senate  and  People  of 
Ronie*^.  It  was  in  this  city,  where  he  had  resided  for 
many  years,  that  he  sealed  his  testimony  by  martyrdom 
about  A.  D.  166. 

His  profession  of  philosophy,  his  extensive  though 
cursory  reading,  together  with  his  zeal  and  piety,  se- 
cured him  a  great  reputation  and  influence  among  the 
early  fathers  ;  who  lacked  the  discernment  to  perceive 
his  want  of  sober  judgment,  and  to  discover  the  frcvquent 
mistakes  into  which  his  carelessness  and  gross  credulity 
betrayed  him.     His  early  heathen  notions,  so  far  from  be- 

k  Cave,  Pagi,  Basnage  and  Le  Clerc  date  Justin's  First  Apology  at 
about  A.  D.140;  Massuet,  145 ;  the  Benedictine  Editors  and  Tillc- 
mont,  Grabe,  Du  Pin,  and  Lardner,  at  150.  The  Dialogue  with  Try- 
pho  was  written  certainly  after  the  First  Apology,  but  perhaps  before 
the  Second,  which  is  generally  placed  at  the  year  lO"^.  Besides  these 
three  works,  some  attribute  to  him  Two  Orations  to  the  Greeks,  and 
The  Epistle  to  Diognetus. 


ii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  57 

ing  dispelled  by  the  light  of  truth,  were  only  modified 
to  his  new  religion,  and  the  more  fondly  cherished,  as 
they  now  formed  part  of  a  system  he  deemed  sacred. 
Angels,  he  supposes,  once  descended  to  the  earth,  be- 
came enamored  of  women,  and  in  their  embraces  begat 
the  demons.  These  demons,  learning  from  the  proph- 
ets the  principal  events  in  Christ's  life  and  administra- 
tion, fabricated  in  order  to  imitate  them,  the  stories  of 
the  heathen  mythology.  They  first  instituted  idolatry, 
and  they  still  continue  to  allure  mankind  to  practise  it 
by  the  mysterious  tricks  they  perform  for  the  purpose  ; 
and  all  this  out  of  a  desire  to  feed  on  the  fumes  of  the 
sacrifices  and  libations'.  It  is  astonishing  what  a  varied 
part  the  demons  perform  in  this  world,  according  to 
Justin's  representations.  It  would  seem,  however,  that 
they  labored  under  one  essential  disadvantage  ;  for  our 
author  assures  us  that  the  christians,  in  his  time,  had 
the  miraculous  gift  of  exorcising  them  at  pleasure,  what- 
ever shape  they  assumed,  or  wherever  they  concealed 
themselves"^.  The  reader  cannot  now  be  surprised  that 
Justin  apphed  and  explained  scripture  witliout  the  least 
regard  to  rational  interpretation. 

His  opinion  concerning  the  future  state  of  mankind 
was,  that  all  souls,  after  death,  are  reserved  in  a  certain 
place,  probably  the  Infernum  of  the  Latins,  till  the  gen- 
eral resurrection  and  judgment ;  when  the  righteous, 
whether  christians,  or  such  heathens  as  Socrates  and 
Plato,  shall  reign  with  Christ  a  thousand  years  upon 

1  Justini  Apolog,  Prim.  p.  61.  Edit.  Paris.  mApol.  Secund. 

p,  45,  and    passim. 


58  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

earth,  and  then  be  admitted  to  the  celestial  mansions"  ; 

while  the  wicked  shall  be  condemned  to   a  punishment 

which  he  frequently  calls  everlasting^ .     In  another  place, 

however,  he  states  his  opinion  upon  this  last  point  more 

particularly,  and  represents  that  the  wicked  will  be, 

eventLially,  annihilated  :  "  Souls,"  says  he  "  are  not  im- 

"  mortal I  do  not  say  that  all  souls  will 

"  die.     Those  of  the  pious  will  remain  [after  death]  in 

"  a  certain  better  place,   and   those  of  the  unholy  and 

"  wicked  in   a  worse,  all  expecting  the  time  of  judg- 

"  ment.     In  this   manner,   those  which  are  worthy  to 

"  appear  before  God,   never   die ;    but  the   others   are 

"  tormented  so  long  as  God  wills  that  they  should   exist 

"  and   be    tormented Whatever   does,  or   ever 

"  will,  exist  in  dependance,  on  the  will  of  God,  is  of  a 

"  perishable    nature,   and  can  be   annihilated  so    as  to 

"  exist  no  longer.     God   alone  is  self-existent,  and  by 

"  his  own  nature  imperishable,  and  therefore  he  is  God ; 

"  but  all  other  things  are  begotten  and  corruptible.     For 

*'  which  reason,  souls  both  suffer  punishment  and  dieP." 

.  ^^        V.  It  was  about  this  period,  that  the  ven- 
A.  D.  100,         1 1     -n  1  1 

erable  Polycarp  closed  an   aged   and  pious 

^   •    life,  amidst  the  flock  he  had  long  cherished 

in  the  great  city  of  Smyrna.    Exhausted  nature  was  not 

permitted  to  expire  in   quiet  decay;    the  persecuting 

heathens  apprehended  the  retiring  saint,  and   crowned 

him  with  the  honors  of  martyrdom.      The  Relation  of 

his  Martyrdom,  written'^,  if  genuine,  (of  which  there  is 

n  Compare  Dialog.  c«m  Tryph.  p.  223, 300.  Apol.  i.p.  71.  Apol,  ii. 
p.  83,  ifec.  Edit.  Paris.  1742.         o  Apol.  Prim.  p.p.  57.  64,  &c. 

P  Dialog,  cum  Tryphone,  p.p.  222,223.  <i  Probably  very  soon 
after  the  martyrdom  it  relates;  which  is  placed  by  Pearson  in  a.  d. 


ii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  59 

some  doubt)  by  his  own  church  at  Smyrna,  asserts  that 
the  martyrs  hoped,  by  suffering  the  momentary  torments 
of  their  cruel  death,  "  to  escape  that  fire  which  is  eter- 
"  nal  and  shall  not  be  extinguished'."  And  Polycarp 
himself  is  represented,  by  these  -writers,  as  reminding 
the  Proconsul  before  whom  he  was  arraigned  and  tried, 
of  "  the  fire  of  future  judgment,  and  of  that  eternal 
"  punishment  which  is  reserved  for  the  ungodly*." 

This  Relation,  though  apparently  composed  by  plain, 
unlettered  men,  and  manifestly  free  from  the  corrup- 
tions of  the  Greek  j)hilosophy,  affords  a  moderate  spec- 
imen of  the  hyperbolical  genius  of  that  age.  When  the 
flame,  say  the  writers,  had  arisen  to  a  great  height 
around  Polycarp  at  the  stake,  it  made  a  sort  of  arch, 
leaving  him  untouched  in  the  midst ;  while  a  rich 
odour,  as  of  frankincense,  proceeded  from  his  body,  and 
filled  the  air.  The  executioners,  perceiving  that  they 
could  not  destroy  him  by  burning,  struck  him  through 
with  a  dagger ;  upon  wdiich,  there  came  from  him  such 
a  quantity  of  blood  as  extinguished  the  flames !  so  that 
it  "  raised  an  admiration  in  all  the  people  to  consider 
"  what  a  difference  there  was  between  the  infidels  and 
''  the  electa" 

VI.    Tatian  the  Syrian,  a  convert  from 

A.  D.  170,     heathenism,    and  the  scholar  perhaps    of 

Justin  Martyr,  was  a  man  of  considerable 

Greek  reading,  and  the  author  of  several  works  ;    of 

147;  by  Usher  and  Le  Clerc,  in  169;  and  by  Petit  in  175.  Poly- 
carp visited  Rome  vvhile  Anicetus  was  bishop  there  ;  to  which  office 
the  latter  is  commonly  supposed  to  have  been  chosen  as  late  as  a.  d. 
150.  r  Relation  of  the  Alartyrdom  of  Polycarp,  §  2,  Wakens  trans. 
s  Ditto.  §11.         t  Ditto.  §15,  16. 


60  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

which  only  his  Orrti? on  against  the  Gentiles  is  extant. 
In  this  he  represents  that  such  souls  as  have  not  the 
truth,  or  knowledge  of  God,  die  with  the  body,  and 
with  it  rise  to  judgment,  at  the  end  of  the  world  ; 
when  they  are  to  undergo  "  a  death  in  immortality","  by 
which  he  perhaps  means  annihilation.  To  the  sinful 
demons  he  assigns  the  same  final  doom'''.  It  is  suffi- 
ciently evident  that  Tatian  was,  at  this  time,  hke  his 
master,  a  follower  of  the  Platonic  philosophy;  but  to- 
wards the  end  of  his  hfe,  he  ran  into  heresy,  by  pro- 
hibiting marriage,  wine,  and  divers  sorts  of  meat,  and 
bv  advocating  certain  Gnostic  notions. 

,^.-        VII.  In  order  to  embrace  every  thins;  that 

A.  D.    173.         ,  ,  .  11 

relates  to  our  subject,  we  must  not  overlook 
a  small  fragment  from  an  Ecclesiastical  History  by  He- 
gesippus,  an  author  whose  works  are  lost,  but  who  is 
suspected  of  having  been  a  vv  eak  and  credulous  WTiter. 
He  relates^  that  when  some  of  our  Saviour's  kindred 
vvere  called  before  the  emperor  Domitian,  and  question- 
ed on  the  nature  of  the  kingdom  they  attributed  to 
Christ,  they  answered  that  it  was  merely  celestial,  and 
would  take  place  "  at  the  consummation  of  the  world, 
"  when  he  should  come  in  his  glory,  judge  the  quick 
"  and  the  dead,  and  reward  every  man  according  to  his 
"works"''."  This  is  evidence  of  the  opinion  of  Hegesip- 
pus ;  but  no  historian  would  probably  consider  it  as  au- 
thority for  the  sentiments  of  the  persons   he  mentions. 

u  Tatiani  Aspyr.  Contra  Grac.  Orat.  ^  6  and  13.  inter  Justini 
Martyr.  Opp.  Edit.  Paris.  1742.  This  Oration  is  placed  by  Lardnor 
between  a.  d.  163,  and  172.  v  Ditto.  ^  14.  %v  Eusebii  Hist.  Eccl. 
Ijb.  iii.  cap.  20.  Lardner  dates  Heo;esippus's  History  at  the  year 
173. 


ii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  gj 

The  whole  story,  indeed,    is  now  suspected  as  fabu- 
lous. 

VIII.  The  Epistle  of  the   Churches  of 
A.  D.  1'77.     Lyons  and  T^ienna,  generally  supposed  to 

have  been  written  by  the  celebrated  Ire- 
naeus,  claims  but  a  moment's  attention.  It  gives  an  af- 
fecting, though  perhaps  exaggerated,  account  of  the  ter- 
rible persecution  and  martyrdom  of  the  christians  in 
those  two  cities,  during  the  reign  of  the  philosophical 
emperor,  Marcus  Aurelius.  Of  one  Byblias,  who 
through  weakness  had  at  first  recanted  her  profession, 
it  is  said,  "that  in  the  midst  of  her  torments  she  retum- 
"  ed  to  herself,  waking  as  it  were  out  of  a  deep  slum- 
*'  ber ;  and  calling  to  recollection  the  everlasting  pun- 
"  ishment  in  hell,  she,  against  all  men's  expectations, 
"  reproved  her  tormentors  ^." 

IX.  The  next,  in  order,  is  Athenagoras, 
A.  D.  1'78,     an  Athenian  philosopher,  and  probably,  for 

to  180.  a  while,  master  of  that  distinguished  chris- 
tian seminary,  the  Catechetical  School  at 
Alexandria  in  Egypt.  He  addressed  to  the  emperor 
Marcus  Aurelius  and  to  his  son  Commodus,  an  Apolo- 
gy for  the  christians  ;  and  WTOte  a  Treatise  on  the  Res- 
urrection, to  remove  the  objections  of  the  heathens,  and 
to  convince  them,  by  philosophical  reasonings,  of  the 
truth  of  that  doctrine  ^.  Though  a  learned  and  polite 
writer,  little  notice  was  paid  him  or  his  w^orks,  by  the 
early  fathers. 

^  Eusebii  Hist.  Eccl.  Lib.  v.  cap.  1.  Lardner  assi2;ns  this  Epistle 
to  the  year  177.  y  His  Apology  is  placed  by  Lardner  at  a.d.  178. 
His  Treatise  on  the  Resurrection  was  probably  written  soon  after- 
wards. 

6 


52  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [  Chap. 

He  asserts  it  as  a  manifest  fact, "  that  the  righteous 
"  are  not  properly  rewarded,  nor  the  evil  punished  in 
"  this  hfe ;"  and  contends  that  there  is  no  ground  on 
which  we  can  vindicate  the  ways  of  providence  and 
maintain  the  justice  of  God,  but  by  admitting  a  resur- 
rection to  a  state  of  retribution.  At  the  future  judg- 
ment, says  he,  "  rewards  and  punishments  will  be  dis- 
"  tributed  to  all  mankind,  as  they  shall  have  conducted 
"  well  or  ill  ^  ;"  but  of  the  duration  of  suffering,  he  has 
left  us  no  intimation.  He  treats  it  as  a  conjecture  not  at 
all  unreasonable,  that  the  brutes  may  be  raised  from  the 
dead,  and  afterwards  remain  in  subjection  to  man^.  As 
to  the  mode  of  governing  the  universe,  he  says  that  God 
has  distributed  the  angels  into  different  ranks  and  or- 
ders, and  assigned  to  them  the  care  of  the  elements, 
the  heavens  and  the  earth.  But  the  angel  presiding 
over  matter,  together  with  some  others,  swerving  from 
their  allegiance,  fell  in  love  with  women,  and  begat  gi- 
ants ;  and  those  rebellious  spirits  now  wander  up  and 
down  the  earth,  opposing  God,  exciting  lust,  and  uphold- 
ing idolatry,  that  they  may  refresh  themselves  with  the 
blood  and  steam  of  sacrifices  ^. 

X.  Of  Theophilus,  bishop  of  the  church 
A.  D.  181.  at  Antioch,  we  have  only  one  work 
remaining  :  a  Treatise  in  defence  of  Chris- 
tianity, addressed  to  Autolychus,  a  learned  hea- 
then. There  are  sufficient  proofs  that  our  author  was  a 
man  of  at  least  a  moderate  degree  of  learning  ;  but  like 
his  cotemporaries  in  general,  he  was  unhappily   an  ad- 

z  Athenagor.'  De  Resurrec.  passi??!.  particularly  the  latter  part, 
a  Ditto,  near  the  beginning.         b  Athtnagorae  Legat.  passim. 


ii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  53 

mirer  of  the  Greek  philosophy,  and  a  believer  in  the 
vulgar  superstitions  of  the  heathens.  His  views  of  fu- 
ture punishment  may  be  discovered  from  his  exhorta- 
tion to  Autolychus  :  "  Do  you  also  studiously  read  the 
"  prophetic  scriptures,  and  you  will  have  their  safer 
"  light  to  enable  you  to  shun  everlasting  torments." 
Soon  afterwards  he  says,  of  the  unbelieving  and  abom- 
inable, "  to  them  there  will  be  wTath  and  indignation, 
"tribulation  and  anguish;  and  at  length  everlasting  fire 
"  shall  be  their  portion^." 

Q^  XI.  We  arrive  at  last  to  the  writings  of 

that  distinguished  father,  Irenaeus.  Born 
and  brought  up  in  Asia  Minior,  he  attended 
in  his  youth,  the  discourses  both  of  the  venerable  Poly- 
carp,  and  of  the  weak,  injudicious  Papias  ;  and  perhaps 
enjoyed  some  acquaintance  with  such  as  had  personally 
conversed  vvith  the  apostles.  At  a  later  period,  he 
travelled  into  France,  where  his  piety,  his  zeal  and  de- 
votedness  to  the  christian  cause,  together  with  his  ac- 
quirements, rendered  him  conspicuous,  and  at  length 
elevated  him  to  the  bishopric  of  the  church  at  Lyons, 
But  notwithstanding  his  advantages,  there  are  some 
things  in  his  principal  remaining  work,  that  .^^a^WfJZer- 
esies  ^,  which  show  that  he  yielded  to  the  whimsical 
and  credulous  turn  of  the  age,  if,  indeed,  that  were  not 
also  his  own  character.  Miracles,  he  says,  even  from 
the  raising  of  the  dead,  down  to  the  casting  out  of  de- 

c  Theophili  Ad  Autolychum,  Lib.  i.  cap.  14.  inter  Justini  Martyr. 
Opp.  Edit.  Paris.  1742.     Lardner  places  this  work  at  a.  d.  181. 

d  This  is  a  large,  and  in  many  respects  a  valuable  work.  Lard- 
ner thinks  it  to  have  been  published  not  long  after  a.  d.  178;  Tille 
mont,  near  190. 


64  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

mons,  were,  in  his  time,  frequently  performed  by  chris- 
tians; so  that  it  was  "impossible  to  reckon  up  all  the 
"  mighty  works  which  the  church  performed,  every  day, 
"  for  the  benefit  of  the  nations  ^."  With  the  Greek  phi- 
losophy he  was  not  so  thoroughly  imbued  as  Justin  Mar- 
tyr ;  but  like  his  master  Papias,  he  was  an  assiduous 
collector  of  apostolic  traditions,  and  upon  their  authori- 
ty advanced  some  very  ridiculous  notions  :  In  the  Mil- 
lennium, says  he,  "  there  shall  grow  vineyards,  having 
"  each  ten  thousand  vine-stocks ;  each  stock  ten  thous- 
"  and  branches  ;  each  branch  ten  thousand  twigs ;  each 
"  twig  ten  thousand  bunches  ;  each  bunch  ten  thousand 
"  grapes  ;  and  each  grape  when  pressed,  shall  yield 
"twenty-five  measures  of  wine.  And  when  any  of  the 
"  saints  shall  go  to  pluck  a  bunch,  another  bunch  will 
"  cry  out,  lam  Letter,  take  me,  and  bless  the  Lord  through 
"me.  In  like  manner,  a  grain  of  wheat  sown,  shall 
"  bear  ten  thousand  stalks ;  each  stalk  ten  thousand 
"  grains ;  and  each  grain  ten  thousand  pounds  of  the 
"  finest  flour,"  he  J  Some  of  liis  allegorical  inter- 
pretations ^  of  scripture,  too,  will  almost  vie  in  contempt- 
ible absurdity  with  those  of  Barnabas.  We  remark, 
once  for  all,  that  the  principal  writers  mentioned  in  this 
chapter  agreed  in  attributing  to  the  scriptures  a  double 
meaning,  a  hidden  and  mysterious,  as  well  as  the  obvi- 
ous one. 

With  regard  to  the  future  state,  Irenaeus  supposes 
that  souls  are,  after  death,  reserved  in  some  invisible 


e  Iren.  Adv.  Hseres.  Lib.  ii.  cap.  57.         f  Ditto.  Lib.  v.  cap.  32, 
33,  &c.        K  Ditio.  Lib.  iv  cap.  42,  and  Lib.  v.  cap.  8. 


ii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  g5 

place,  the  Infernum  of  the  heathens,  whither  Christ 
went  and  preached  after  his  crucifixion,  delivering  from 
sufferance  those  who  there  believed.  At  the  end  of 
the  world,  which  was  then  very  near  at  hand,  all  w^ere 
to  be  raised,  and  brought  to  judgment,  when  the  just 
should  be  admitted  to  a  thousand  years'  reign  with 
Christ  upon  earth,  preparatory  to  endless  bhss  in  heav- 
en ;  but  the  unjust  should  be  sent  into  inextinguishable 
and  eternal  fire  ^ .  Here,  he  appears  to  think,  they  will 
be  annihilated  :  he  contends  that  souls  or  spirits,  like  all 
other  created  things,  depend  entirely  on  the  uphold- 
ing providence  of  God  for  their  continuance  in  being, 
and  tliat  they  can  "  exist  only  so  long  as  he  wills.  For," 
says  he,  "  the  principle  of  existence  is  not  inherent  in 
"  our  own  constituion,  but  given  us  by  God.  He  w^ho 
"  cherishes  this  gift,  and  is  thankful  to  the  Giver,  shall 
"  exist  forever  ;  but  he  who  despises  it,  and  is  ungrate- 
"  ful,  deprives  himself  of  the  privilege  of  existing  forev- 
"  er.  Therefore,  the  Lord  said.  If  ye  have  not  been 
^''faithful  in  a  little,  who  will  give  you  that  which  is 
'■'•greater^  (Luke  xvi.  11,)  signifying  that  he  who  is 
"  ungrateful  to  him  for  this  temporal  life,  which  is  little, 
"  cannot  justly  expect  from  him  an  existence  which  is 
"  endless'." 

It  is  in  Irenasus  that  we  meet  with  the  earliest  attempt 
at  a  formal  summary  of  the  faith  as  held  by  the  ortho- 
dox churches  in  general;  fend  on  this  account  his  com- 
pendium or  creed  is  worthy  of  particular  notice.  In 
opposition  to  all  the  peculiar  tenets  of  the  Gnostics,  he 

h  Ditto.  Lib.  V.  cap.  27,  and  passim.         i  Ditto  Lib.  ii.  cap.  64. 

6* 


55  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap, 

brings  forward  the  system  of  doctrine  which,  he  says, 
"  the  churches,  though  scattered  into  all  parts  of  the 
"  world,  had  received  from  the  apostles  and  their  dis- 
"  ciples,  viz. :  To  believe  in  one  God,  the  omnipo- 
"  tent  Father,  who  made  heaven,  and  earth,  and  sea, 
"  and  all  things  in  them  ;  in  one  Jesus  Christ,  the  Son 
"  of  God,  incarnate  for  our  salvation  ;  and  in  the  Holy 
"  Ghost,  who  by  the  prophets  declared  the  dispensa- 
"  tion  and  coming  of  Christ,  his  birth  of  a  virgin,  his 
"  suffering,  his  resurrection  from  the  dead,  his  ascen- 
"  sion  in  his  flesh  into  heaven,  and  his  coming  from  hea- 
"  ven,  in  the  glory  of  the  Father  to  gather  together  in 
"  one  all  things,  and  to  raise  the  flesh  of  all  mankhid ; 
"  that  unto  Jesus  Christ,  our  Lord,  Saviour  and  King, 
"  according  to  the  will,  of  the  imdsible  Fatlier,  every 
"  knee  shall  bow,  of  things  in  heaven,  on  earth,  and  un- 
''  der  the  earth,  and  every  tongue  confess  to  him ;  and 
"  that  he  shall  pass  a  righteous  sentence  upon  all,  and 
"  send  wicked  spirits,  and  the  angels  who  have  trans- 
"  gressed,  together  with  ungodly  men,  into  eternal  fire, 
"  but  give  life  to  the  righteous  who  have  kept  his  com- 
"mands'and  abided  in  his  love,  either  from  the  begin- 
'  ning  or  after  repentance,  and  confer  on  them  immor- 
"  tality  and  eternal  glory J." 

XII.  A  great  number  of  the  early  productions  of  the 
orthodox,  and  all  those  of  the  heretics,  are  lost,  and 
with  them,  probably,  some  information  upon  the  subject 

j  Ditto.  Lib.  i.  cap.  2.  Any  reader,  acquainted  witli  tlie  notions  at- 
tributed to  the  Gnostics,  will  instantly  perceive  that  almost  every  ex- 
pression in  this  Creed  w.is  framed  for  the  purpose  of  opposing  them; 
as,  indeed,  is  intim^ited  by  the  manner  in  which  Irenaeus  introduces 
the  passage. 


li.]  OF  UNIVERSAL ISxM.  57 

of  our  history.  Thus  far,  however,  we  have  carefully 
presented,  in  his  own  words,  the  opinion  of  every  wri- 
ter whose  works  are  extant ;  and  we  have  also  produced 
the  views  of  the  heretics  upon  this  subject,  from  the 
best  authorhies  within  our  reach.  To  the  reader  be- 
longs the  privilege  of  such  reflections  as  tlie  wdiole  case, 
now  pretty  fully  laid  before  him,  may  suggest.  We 
will,  how^ever,  observe  that  of  the  orthodox  wTiters, 
nearly  all  allude  to,  or  expressly  assert,  a  future  judg- 
ment and  a  future  state  of  punishment :  seven  ^  call  it 
the  everlasting,  the  eternal  fire  or  torment ;  but  out  of 
these  there  are  three  v*ho  certainly  did  not  think  it  end- 
less, as  two  of  them  believed  the  damned  would  be  an- 
nihilated, and  the  other  asserted  their  restoration  to  bliss. 
What  w^ere  the  views  of  the  remaining  four,  upon  this 
point,  cannot  be  determined ;  since  the  circumstance 
just  mentioned  shows  that  their  use  of  the  word  everlast- 
ing, is  no  criterion.  The  others  whom  we  have  passed 
in  review,  are  silent  with  regard  to  the  duration  of  mis- 
ery. 

To  these  remarks  we  must  add,  that  such  of  the  Gnos- 
tic sects  as  are  thought  to  have  held  the  salvation  of  all 
souls,  still  flourished  ;  but  their  history,  like  that  of  all 
the  heretic  christians,  is  obscure  and  uncertain. 

Among  the  orthodox,  it  is  curious  to  mark  the  seem- 
ing progress  of  sentiment  concerning  a  future  state 
of  punishment.  In  their  earliest  WTitings,  that  of  Clem- 
ens Romanus  and  those  of  Ignatius,  it  is  either  wholly 

^  Viz.  Barnabas,  Hermas,  Sibylline  Oracles,  Justin  Martyr,  Rela- 
tion of  Polycarp's  Martyrdom,  Theophilus,  and  Irenaeus  in  the  Let- 
tor  of  the  churches  of  Lyons  and  Vienna,  and  in  his  work  Against 
Heresies. 


68  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

omitted,  or  else  expressed  in  the  most  indefinite  man- 
ner. Afterwards,  we  find  it  introduced  as  a  peculiar 
motive  of  terror ;  and  as  such,  it  became  more  and 
more  employed,  even  by  those  who  expressly  assigned 
it  a  limited  duration.  When  the  Greek  philosophy  and 
heathen  superstitions  began  to  prevail  in  the  church, 
they  soon  succeeded  in  delineating  the  whole  topogra- 
phy of  the  infernal  realm,  pointed  out  its  divisions,  de- 
scribed its  regulations,  and  familiarly  brought  to  light  all 
its  secrets. 

XIII.  In  the  succeeding  parts  of  our  Vv'ork,  we  shall 
not  detain  the  reader  with  a  distinct  paragraph  for  eve- 
ry ecclesiastical  writer  ;  but  direct  our  attention  more 
specially  to  those  authors  and  those  parties  who  advoca- 
ted the  salvation  of  all  mankind.  In  the  meantime, 
however,  we  shall  aim  at  such  a  representation  as  will  af- 
ford a  general  view  of  the  notions  entertained  by  the 
church  at  large,  in  relation  to  that  subject. 


CHAPTER  m. 

[From  A.  D,  190,  to  A.  D.  230.] 

I.  Of  all  the  christian  fathers,  before 
'  Origen,  the  most  illustrious  writer  and  the 
most  renowned  for  extensive  erudition,  was 
Clemens  Alexandrinus.  That  he  was  a  Universahst  in 
sentiment,  is  alleged  against  him  by  some  of  the  learned^, 
and  sufficiently  manifest  from  his  works  yet  extant ;  though 
he  sel:lom  affords  us  a  direct  and  positive  assertion  to  this 
point.  He  uniformly  asserts,  however,  and  illustrates, 
the  universal  goodnes  of  God,  the  benevolent  nature 
of  justice,  the  salutary  design  and  effect  of  punishment 
both  here  and  hereafter,  the  purification  of  the  damned 
in  hell,  and  their  deliverance  from  suffering  and  exal- 
tation to  bliss. 


a  The  learned  and  orthodox  Daille  says  "  It  is  manifest,  through- 
out his  works,  that  Clemens  thought  all  the  punishments  that  God 
inflicts  upon  men,  are  salutary,  and  executed  by  him  only  for  the 
purpose  of  instruction  and  reformation.     Of  this  kind  he  reckons  the 

torments  which  the  damned  in  hell   suffer From  which  we 

discover  that  Clemens  was  of  the  same  opinion  as  his  scholar  Origen, 
who  every  where  teaches  that  all  the  punishments  of  those  in  hell  are 
purgatorial,  that  they  are  not  endless,  but  will  at  length  cease,  when 
the  damned  are  sufficiently  purified  by  the  fire."  Dallaei  De  Usu 
Patrum  Lib.  ii.  cap.  4. 

Archbishop  Poster,  having  spoken  of  Origen 's  belief  in  the  salva- 
tion, of  all  the  damned,  and  of  the  devil  himself,  adds,  "from  which 
opinion  Clemens  does  not  appear  to  have  differed  much,  as  he  taught 
that  the  Devil  can  repent,  and  that  even  the  most  heinous  sins  are 
purged  away  by  punishments  after  death."  V.  Not.  in  Clem.  Al- 
exand.  Strom.  Lib.  vi.  p.  794.     Edit.  Potter.  1715. 


70  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

"  The  Lord,"  says  he.  "  does  good  unto  all,  and 
"  delights  in  all ;  as  God,  he  forgives  our  transgres- 
"  sions,  and  as  Man,  he  teaches  and  instructs  us  that 
"  we  may  not  sin.  Man  is,  indeed,  necessarily  dear  to 
"  God,  because  he  is  his  workmanship.  Other  things 
"  he  made  only  by  his  order ;  but  man  he  formed  by 
"  his  own  hand,  and  breathed  into  him  his  distinguish- 
"  ing  properties.  Now,  whatever  was  created  by  him, 
"  especially  in  his  OAvn  image,  must  have  been  created 
"  because  it  was,  in  itself,  desirable  to  God,  or  else 
"  desirable  from  some  other  consideration.  If  man 
"  was  made  because  he  was  in  himself  desirable,  then 
"  God  loved  him  on  account  of  his  being  good ;  and 
"  there  certainly  is  in  man  that  lovely  principle,  called 
"  the  breath  or  inspiration  of  God.  But  if  it  was  on 
"  account  of  some  other  desirable  end  that  he  was 
"  made,  then  there  could  be  no  other  reason  why  God 
"  should  create  him,  than  that  God  could  not  otherwise 
"  be  a  benevolent  Maker,  nor  his  glory  be  displayed  to 

"  the    human  race And,   indeed   in  either 

"  case,  man  may  be  said  to  be,  in  himself  considered, 
"  a  being  desirable  to  God,  since  the  Almighty,  who 
"  cannot  err  in  his  undertakings,  made  him  just  such 
".as  he  desired.  He  therefore  loves  him.  How  in- 
"  deed  is  it  possible  that  he  should  not  love  him,  for 
*'  whom  he  sent  his  only  begotten  Son  from  his  own  bo- 
"som^?" 

There  are   some^,  says  Clemens,  who  deny  that  the 

^  Clem.  Alexand.  Paedagog.  Lib.  i.cap.  3,  p.  p.  101,  102.  Edit.  Pot- 
ter, c  Clemens  here  alludes  to  the  Murcionites,  a  Gnostic 
sect. 


iii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  71 

Lord  is  good,  because  he  inflicts  punishments  and  en- 
joins fear.  To  this  he  repUes,  that  "  there  is  nothing 
"  which  the  Lord  hates  ;  for  he  cannot  hate  any  thing 
'•  and  yet  will  that  it  should  exist ;  nor  can  he  will  that 
"  any  thing  should  not  exist,  and  at  the  same  time  cause 
"  it  to  exist.  Now  as  the  Lord  is  certainly  the  cause 
"  of  whatever  exists,  he  cannot,  of  course,  desire  that 
"  any  thing  which  is,  should  not  be  ;  and  therefore  he 
"  cannot  hate  any  thing,  as  all  exist  by  his  own  will." 
And,  continues  our  author,  "  if  he  hates  none  of  his 
"  works,  then  it  is  evident  that  he  loves  them  all,  es- 
"  pecially  man  above  the  rest,  who  is  the  most  excel- 
"  lent  of  his  creatures.  Now  whoever  loves  another, 
"  wishes  to  benefit  him  ;  and  therefore  God  does  good 
"  unto  all.  He  does  not  merely  bless  them  in  some 
"  particulars,  yet  neglect  all  care  over  them ;  he  is 
"  both  careful  for  them,  and  solicitous  for  their  interets." 
Consistently  with  this,  Clemens  adds,  that  God's  "jus- 
"  tice  is,  of  itself,  nothing  but  goodness ;  for  it  rewards 
"  the  virtuous  with  blessings,  and  conduces  to  the  im- 
"  provement  of  the  sinful.  There  are  many  evil  afFec- 
"  tions  which  are  to  be  cured  only  by  suffering.  Pun- 
"  ishment  is,  in  its  operation,  like  medicine  :  it  desolves 
"  the  hard  heart,  purges  away  the  filth  of  uncleanness, 
"  and  reduces  the  swellings  of  pride  and  haughtiness ; 
"  thus  restoring  its  subject  to  a  sound  and  healthful 
"  state.  It  is  not  from  hatred,  therefore,  that  the  Lord 
"  rebukes  mankind'^." 

<i  Ptedagog.  Lib.  i.  cap.  8,  p.  p.  l35 — 140.  N.  B.  I  have  attempted', 
in  this  paragraph  to  compress  the  argument  which  Clemens,  in  hisi 
diffuse  style  and  rambling  method,  spreads  over  two  or  three  folic* 


72  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap 

"  It  is  the  office  of  salutary  justice,"  says  he,  in  ano- 
ther place,  "  continually  to  exalt  every  thing  towards  the 
"  best  state  of  which  it  is  capable.  Inferior  things  are 
"  adapted  to  promote  and  confirm  the  salvation  of  that 
"  which  is  more  excellent ;  and  thus,  whatever  is  en- 
"  dued  with  any  virtue,  is  forthwitli  changed  still  for  the 
"  better,  through  the  liberty  of  choice,  which  the  mind 
"  has  in  its  own  power.  And  the  necessary  chastisements 
"  of  the  great  judge,  who  regards  all  with  benignity,  make 
"  mankind  grieve  for  their  sins  and  imperfections,  and 
"  advance  them  through  the  various  states  of  discipline 
"  to  perfection®.*'  "  Even  God's  wrath,  if  so  his  admo- 
"  nitions  can  be  called,  is  full  of  benevolence,  towards 
"  the  human  race ;  for  whose  sake  the  w^ord  of  God 
"  was  made  man  ^." 

The  same  means  which  are  employed  upon  earth  for 
the  salvation  of  the  Hving,  are  introduced,  he  thinks, 
among  the  dead,  for  the  restoration  of  such  as  died,  ei- 
ther in  sin,  or  in  ignorance  and  unbehef  of  Jesus  Christ : 
"  Wherefore,  our  Lord,"  says  he,  "  preached  also  in  the 
*'  regions  of  the  dead  ;  for  says  the  scripture,  the  Grave 
"  saith  to  Destruction,  His  countenance  we  have  not 
"  indeed  beheld,  but  we  have  heard  his  voice.  (Job  xxviii. 
*'22.)  It  is  not  the  ^/ace  however,  which  thus  speaks, 
"  but  its  inhabitants,  who  had  delivered  themselves  to  de- 
*'  struction.  They  heard  the  divine  power  and  voice. 
"  And,  indeed,  who  can  suppose  that  souls  [which  de- 
"  parted  ignorant  of  Christ]  are  indiscriminately  aban- 
"  doned,  the  virtuous  with  the  vicious,  to  the  same  con- 

e  Stromal.  Lib.  vii.  cap.  2,  p.  825.  f  Paedagog.  Lib  i.  cap.  8.  p 

142. 


iii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  73 

"  demnation,  thus  impeaching  the  justice  of  providence  ? 
"  Does  not  the  scripture  inform  us  that  the  Lord 
"preached  the  gospel  even  to  those  v»"ho  perished  in 
"  the  deluge,  and  were  confined  in  prison  ?  ^  We  have 
"  already  shown  that  the  apostles  also,  as  well  as  their 

"  Master,   preached  the   gospel  to  the  dead 

"  Wherefore,  since  the  Lord  descended  to  hell  for  no 
"other  purpose  than  to  preach  the  gospel  there,  he 
"  preached  it  either  to  all,  or  only  to  the  Jews.  If  to 
"  all,  then  all  who  believed  there,  were  saved,  whether 
"  Jews  or  Gentiles.  And  the  chastisements  of  God  are 
"  salutary  and  instructive,  leading  to  amendment,  and 
"  preferring  the  repentance  to  the  death  of  the  sinner ;  es- 
"pecially  as  souls  in  their  separate  state,  though  darken- 
"  ed  by  evil  passions,  have  yet  a  clearer  discernment 
"than  they  had  whilst  in  the  body,  because  they  are  no 
"  longer  clouded  and  encumbered  by  the  flesh '^. "  Again 
he  says,  "  Now  all  the  poets,  as  well  as  the  Greek  philos- 
"  ophers,  took  their  notions  of  the  punishments  after 
"death,  and  the  torments  of  fire,  from  the  Hebrews. 
"Does  not  Plato  mention  the  rivers  of  fire,  and  that 
"  profound  abyss  which  the  Jews  call  Gehenna  [hell,] 
"  together  with  other  places  of  punishment,  where  the 
"characters  of  men  are  reformed  by  suffering?^"     It 

s  In  another  place  Clemens  says,  '-If,  therefore,  the  Loi-d preached 
"the  gospel  to  those  in  the  flesh,  lest  they  should  be  unjustly  con- 
"  demned,  was  it  not  necessary,  for  the  same  reason,  that  he  should 
"preach  also  to  those  who  had  departed  this  life  before  his  advent? 
"And  as  all  sinful  flesh  perished  in  the  deluge,  we  must  believe  that 
"the  will  of  God,  which  has  the  power  of  instructing  and  operating, 
"confers  salvation  upon  those  who  are  converted  by  the  punishments 
"  inflicted  on  them."     Stromat.  Lib.  vi.  cap.  6,  p.  766.  h  Stromal. 

Lib.  vi.  cap.  6,  p.  p.  763,  764.         i  Ditto.  Lib.  v-  cap.  14,  p.  700. 


74  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY        ^  [Chip. 

would,  however,  far  exceed  our  limits,  to  transcribe  the 
passages  of  this  kind,  scattered  through  his  writings. 

With  regard  to  the  actual  salvation  of  all,  the  follow- 
ing are  his  fullest  and  most  pointed  expressions :  "  How 
"is  he  a  Saviour  and  Lord,  unless  he  is  the  Sa\'iour  and 
"  Lord  of  all  ?  He  is  certainly  the  Saviour  of  those 
"  who  have  believed  ;  and  of  those  who  have  not  be- 
"  heved,  he  is  the  Lord,  until  by  being  brought  to  con- 
"  fess  him,  they  shall  receive  the  proper  and  well  adap- 
"  ted  blessing  for  themselves'."  "  The  Lord,"  says  he, 
"  is  the  propitiation^  not  only  for  our  sins,  that  is,  of  the 
"faithful,  but  also  for  the  whole  world  (iJohn,  ii.  2)  : 
"  therefore  he  indeed  saves  all ;  but  converts  some  by 
"punishments,  and  others  by  gaining  their  free  will ;  so 
"  that  he  has  the  high  honor,  that  unto  him  every  knee 
'^should  hoiv,  of  things  in  heaven,  on  earth,  and  under 
"  the  earth  ;  that  is,  angels,  men  and  the  souls  of  those 
"who  died  before  his  advent k." 

It  is  remarkable  that  Clemens,  unhke  the  other  an- 
cient fathers  who  beheved  in  Universalism,  appears  to 
have  avoided  the  use  of  such  words  as  everlasting,  for- 
ever and  ever,  &ic.  in  connexion  with  misery  ^  Nor 
does  he  seem  to  have  considered  the  torments  of  the 
future  state  very  intense,  as  he  never  represents  them  in 
terrific  colours,  nor  dwells  upon  them  in  a  way  to  agi- 
tate the  mind  with  fear.  When  the  virtuous  christian 
dies,   he   enters  upon   a  mild   and  grateful    discipline, 

J  Stromat.  Lib.  vii.  cap.  2,  p.  833.  Fragmenta.  Adumbrat.  in 

Epist.  t.  Julian,  p.  1009.  1  The  only  place  I  recollect  in  all  his 
writings,  where  any  of  these  controverted  words  is  applied  to  suf- 
fering, is  Pffidagog.  Lib.i  cap.  8,  end,  p.  142.  "When  the  soul  has 
"  ceased  to  grieve  for  its  sins,  it  is  not,  even  then,  a  time  to  inflict  up- 
"  on  it  a  deadly  wound,  but  a  healthful  one,  that  by  a  little  grief  it 
eternal  death." 


ili.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  75 

which,  by  purifying  his  remaining  faults,  and  supplying 
his  imperfections,  elevates  him  by  degrees  from  glory 
to  glory,  till  he  arrives  at  perfection ;  but  the  soul  of  an 
obstinate  and  vicious  infidel  must,  before  it  can  begin 
this  sublime  progression,  be  overcome  by  severe  chas- 
tisement, instructed  in  the  knowledge  of  the  truth,  and 
brought  to  control  its  passions. 

II.  Like  all  the  early  fathers,  Clemens  held  the  en- 
tire and  permanent  freedom  of  the  human  will,  contrary 
to  the  present  orthodox  doctrines  of  predestination  and 
irresistible  grace.  Original  sin  and  total  depravity  were 
unknown  in  his  day  ;  as  was  also  the  modern  notion  of  a 
mysterious  and  counter-natural  conversion. 

We  may  now  complete  the  sketch  of  his  general  sys- 
tem of  doctrine  :  God,  infinitely  and  unchangeably  good, 
created  man  upright,  though  not  entirely ""  perfect,  and 
designed  him,  and  all  his  posterity  for  happiness.  But 
Adam,  being  left  to  his  own  free  will,  yielded  to  tempta- 
tion 5  and  so,  in  a  greater  or  less  degree,  have  all  man- 
kind, after  him.  As  the  world  thus  began  to  grow  up 
in  ignorance  of  God,  in  the  indulgence  of  vice,  and  un- 
der the  dominion  of  evil  demons,  the  Almighty  gave,  as 
a  partial  remedy,  the  Law  to  the  Jew^s,  and  Philoso- 
phy to  the  Gentiles,  in  order  to  restrain  and  enlighten 
tliem  in  some  measure,  till  the  coming  of  Christ.  Both 
the  Law  and  Philosophy  were  preparatory  to  the  Gos- 
pel; and  so  far. as  the  Hebrews  on  the  one  hand,  and 
the  Heathens  on  the  other,  preserved  and  practised 
their  respective   systems  in  their   pristine  purity,  they 

m  Stromal.  Lib.  iv.  cap.  23,  p.  G32. 


76  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

were  justified ;  though  they  still  needed  evangelical 
faith  to  prepare  them  for  heaven.  At  length  God  was 
pleased  to  grant  the  world  a  full  and  perfect  revelation  ; 
and  for  this  purpose  sent  his  Son,  the  Jehovah  of  the 
Old  Testament,  who  was  a  divine  agent,  begotten  of  the 
Father.  He  came,  not  to  appease  God,  whom  Clem- 
ens thought  originally  and  immutably  good,  but  to  crush 
the  power  of  the  evil  demons,  to  impart  the  knowledge 
and  commend  the  love  of  God  to  mankind,  to  instruct 
tliem  in  rehgion,  and  to  set  before  them  a  perfect  exam- 
ple of  piety  and  virtue.  That  these  means  may  become 
effectual  to  the  salvation  of  the  world,  the  whole  system 
of  divine  providence  and  government  is  constantly  di- 
rected to  induce  mankind  to  believe  and  obey  their  Sa- 
viour. To  this  end,  the  Almighty  urges  them  by  threat- 
enings  and  punishments,  and  allures  them  by  promises  and 
rewards ;  and  if  they  die  impenitent  or  unbeheving,  a 
similar  course  is  pursued  with  them  after  death,  until 
they  are  brought  to  submission.  After  all,  faith  and  obedi- 
ence depend  both  here  and  hereafter,  on  the  free  will  of 
the  creature ;  though  God  communicates  impressions, 
by  his  holy  spirit,  to  all,  and  by  his  grace  assists  those 
who  strive  to  obey.     Such  were  his  views. 

He  was  a  hearty  champion  of  the  orthodox  church 
against  the  heretics,  particularly  against  all  the  Gnos- 
tics ;  and  he  has  had  the  good  or  indifferent  for- 
tune, that  notwithstanding  his  manifest  Universalism,  his 
doctrine  was  reprehended  by  none  of  his  cotempora- 
ries,  nor  his  standing  ever  impeached,  even  in  after 
ages,  when  the  works  of  Origen  came  to  be  anathema- 
tized, partly  on  account  of  the  same  sentiment. 


{ii.j  OF  UNIVERSALISxM.  77 

III.  Titus  Flavius  Clemens,  usually  called  Clemens 
Alexandrinus,  or  Clement  of  Alexandria,  is  thought,  by 
some,  to  have  been  a  native  of  Athens,  and  by  others, 
of  Alexandria  in  Egypt,  where  he  certainly   spent  the 
most  memorable  part  of  his  life.     The  precise  dates  of 
his  birth  and  death  are  unknown  ;    and  not  the  slightest 
account  is  preserved  of  his  childhood   and  youth.     It 
appears  that  after  travelling  through  many  countries  in 
pursuit  of  philosophical  and  religious  knowledge,  he  sat 
down  at  last  under  the  instructions  of  the  learned  Pan- 
tsenus,  a  christian  philosopher  in  Egypt.     Here  Clem- 
ens studied  in  conformity  with  the  plan  of  his  master, 
to  extract  from  all  the   schemes  of  philosophy  then  in 
vogue,  from  the  Oriental  as  well  as  the   Grecian,  what 
he  deemed  their  original  principles,  and  to  form  a  sys- 
tem for  himself  out  of  all  these  combined  ;  though  he 
gave  a  decided  preference  to  the  tenets  of  the   Stoics. 
About  the  year  195,   he  was  ordained  a  presbyter  in 
the  church  at  Alexandria,  and  near  the  same  time,  was 
appointed,  in  the  absence  of  Pantsenas,   to  supply  his 
place  as  President  of  the  famous  Catechetical   School 
in  tliat  city.     In  addition  to  the  cares  and  labors  which 
necessarily   devolved  upon  him  from    these    two    offi- 
ces, he  composed,  it  is  thought,   at  about  this  period, 
those  of  his  works  which  are  yet  extant". 

n  These  are I,  His  Exhortation  to  the  Gentiles,  designed  to  con- 
fute the  notions  of  the  heathens,  and  to  convince  them  of  the  truth  of 
Christianity)  2,  his  Pccdagogue,  written  to  instruct  new  converts,  and 
to  train  them  up  to  a  holy  and  truly  christian  life  ;  3,  his  Stronmta, 
a  miscellaneous  work,  containing  a  more  particular  illustration  of  the 
christian  doctrine,  together  with  confutations  both  of  the  heathen  re- 
ligions, and  of  the  heretical  opinions,  particularly  those  of  the  Gnos- 
tics ;  4,  his  Tract,  entitled,  Wliat  rich  man  shall  be  saved  ;  5,  his  Epito- 
me of  the  Oriental  Doctrine  of  Theodotus  ;    and  6,  his  Comments  on  some 

7* 


78  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

Alexandria,  next  to  Rome,  the  most  populous  and 
frequented  cit}^  of  that  age,  was  then  the  great  empori- 
um of  literature,  philosophy  and  religion.  The  splen- 
dor of  learning,  which  had  once  beamed  so  full  upon 
Athens,  seemed  returned,  though  with  many  fantastic 
colours,  to  shine  wpon  the  native  land  of  letters  and 
of  science.  Some  of  the  celebrity,  and  many  of  the  ad- 
vantages, which  the  capital  of  Egypt  now  enjoyed, 
arose,  undoubtedly,  from  its  immense  library,  the  larg- 
est the  world  had  ever  seen.  Seven  hundred  thousand 
manuscripts,  deposited  in  tvvo  sections  of  the  city,  offer- 
ed to  the  inquisitive  geniuses  who  assembled  from  every 
region,  all  the  treasures  of  ancient  wisdom  and  folly. 

Ever  since  the  days  of  the  apostles,  the  christians 
of  this  city  had  supported  a  school,  founded,  it  is  said, 
by  St.  Mark ;  but  it  had  always  been  obscure,  and  kept 
in  rather  a  private  manner,  till  the  time  of  Pantaenus. 
When  he  succeeded  to  its  care,  he  brought  it  into  public 
notice,  and  soon  rendered  it  the  first  in  character  and 
renown,  of  all  the  ancient  christian  seminaries. 

While  Clemens  presided  here,  with  distinguished 
reputation,  he  had  the  honor  of  instructing  some  who 
arose  to  eminence  in  the  church,  particularly  Alexander, 
afterwards  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  celebrated  Or- 
igen.     But  about  A.   D.   202,  the  persecution    under 

of  the  Epistles  of  the  Ncav  Testament.  These  Comments  were  for- 
merly thought  supposititious;  but  they  are  now  generally  considered 
fragments  from  his  Htjpotyposes.  a  work  which  is  lost.  His  exhorta- 
tion to  the  Gentiles,  Ptedagogue  and  Stromata,  are  supposed  to  have 
been  written  between  a.  d.  193,  and  195;  (Dodwell.  Dissert,  iii.  in 
Irena^um,  and  Dissert,  de  prim.  Pontif  Roman,  successione.  Mosheira. 
Dissertationes  ad  Hist.  Eccl.  vol.  1,  p.  34 — 'd^.)  his  Hypotyposes  per- 
haps earlier. 


iil.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  ^9 

the  emperor  Severus,  which  spread  death  and  terror 
through  the  church  at  Alexandria,  drove  Clemens  from 
the  city.  It  is  supposed  that  he  embraced  this  oppor- 
tunity to  revisit  the  eastern  countries  ;  and  we  find  him, 
in  die  year  205,  at  Jerusalem,  in  company  with  his  schol- 
ar, Alexander.  From  this  place  we  trace  him  to  An- 
tioch  ;  whence  he  returned,  it  is  thought,  to  Alexandria, 
and  in  connexion  with  Origen,  resumed  for  a  while,  the 
care  of  the  school.  He  died  not  far,  probably,  from 
A.  D.  217«. 

IV.  So  imperfect  is  the  account  preserved  of  this 
distinguished  father.  Of  his  learning  the  ancients  uni- 
formly speak  in  terms  of  admiration.  His  reading  was 
certainly  extensive,  almost  universal  :  history,  poetry, 
mythology  and  philosophy,  seem  perfectly  familiar  to 
him ;  and  the  sacred  scriptures,  together  with  all  that 
related  to  the  concerns  of  the  church,  were  treasured 
in  his  memory.  With  his  great  learning  and  piety,  the 
placid  benevolence  of  his  disposition  must  have  conspir- 
ed to  render  him  esteemed  and  beloved.  If  we  may 
judge  from  his  writings,  his  passions  were  naturally  mod- 
erate, his  heart  benignant  and  incapable  of  sourness 
and  severity.  Impartiality  obhges  us,  however,  to  re- 
mark, that  hke  the  rest  of  the  early  fathers,  he  wanted 
sober  judgment  :  he  was  credulous,  fanciful  and  in- 
correct, ignorant  of  rational  criticism,  and  delighted 
with  allegorical  interpretations  of  scripture.  His  fond- 
ness for  the  heathen  systems  of  philosophy,  was  extrav- 
agant ;    and  it  is  thought  that   his    example    had  the 

o  For  his  life,  see  Cave's  Lives  of  the  Fathers,  and  Lardner's  Cre- 
dibility, &c.  Chap.  Clement  of  Alexandria. 


so  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

pernicious  influence  to  recommend  those  systems  to  a 
more  general  admiration  in  the  church.  He  was  nat- 
urally of  a  poetical  genius ;  his  style  often  runs  into 
metre,  and  his  works  abound  with  quotations  from  the 
ancient  poets  and  philosophers,  as  well  as  from  the 
scriptures.  His  method  of  writing  is  careless,  feeble 
and  sometimes  very  rambling. 

V.  Passing  over  several  writers  of  little  note,  we  shall 
now  make  some  observations  on  the  only  succeeding  fa- 
thers of  eminence,  before  Origen.  Cotemporary  with 
Clemens,  but  belonging  to  the  Western  or  Latin  church, 

was  the  celebrated  Tertullian,  a  presbyter  of 

A.  D.  200,     Carthage  in  Africa:    a  man  of  extensive 

to  204.       learning,  of  strong  and  vehement  genius, 

but  severe  and  morose,  superstitious  and 
fanatical,  even  when  compared  with  those  of  his  own 
age.  He  is  thought  to  have  been  the  first  christian 
writer  who  expressly  asserted  that  the  torments  of  the 
damned  will  be  of  "  equal^  duration"  with  the  hap23iness 
of  the  blest.  This  circumstance  is,  indeed,  no  positive 
proof  that  the  same  opinion  had  never  been  entertained 
before  ;  but  we  may  safely  say  that  of  all  the  early  fa- 
thers there  was  none  with  whose  natural  disposition  the 
doctrine  of  endless  misery  better  accorded,  than  with 
Tertullian's  :  "  You  are  fond  of  your  spectacles,"  said 
he,  in  allusion  to  the  pagans;  "  there  are  other  specta- 
"  cles :    that  day   disbelieved,  derided,  by  the  nations, 

p  Tertulliani  Apologet.  cap.  18.  At  the  general  resurrection  and 
judgment,  says  he,  "  God  will  recompense  liis  worshippers  with  Hfe 
"eternal;  and  cast  the  profane  into  a  fire  equally  perpetual  anduninter- 
"  mitted."  See  IVIiiston  on  the  Eternity  of  Hell-Torments,  p.  86.  N.  B, 
Tertullian's  Apology  was  written  about  a.  d.  200. 


OF  UNIVERSALIS31. 


"  tliat  last  and  eternal  clay  of  judgment,  when  all  ages 
"  shall  be   swallowed  up  in  one  conflagration— what  a 
"  variety  of  spectacles  shall  then  appear !    How   shall  I 
"  admire,  how  laugh,  how  rejoice,  how^   exult,  when   I 
"  behold  so  many  kings,  worshipped  as  gods  in  heaven, 
"together  with  Jove  himself,   groaning  in  the  lowest 
«  abyss  of  darkness  !    so  many  magistrates  who  perse- 
"cuted  the  name   of  the  Lord,  hquefying  in   fiercer 
"  flames  than  they  ever  kindled   against  christians  ;    so 
"  many  sage  philosophers  blushing  in   raging  fire,  with 
"  their  scholars  whom  they  persuaded  to  despise   God, 
"  and  to  disbelieve  the  resurrection  ;  and   so   many  po- 
"  ets  shuddering  before  the  tribunal  not  of  Radaman- 
"  tlius,  not  of  Minos,  but  of  the   disbelieved  Christ ! 
"  Then  shall  we  hear  the  tragedians  more  tuneful  un- 
"  der  their  own  sufferings  ;  then  shall  we  see  the  play- 
"  ers  far  more  sprightly  amidst  the  flames  ;    the  chariot- 
"  eer  all   red-hot  in  his  burning  car ;  and  the  wrestlers 
"  hm-led,  not  upon  the  accustomed  list,  but  on   a  plain 
"  of  fire'i."     Such  is  the  refigh  with  which  his    fierce 
spirit  dwells  on  the  prospect  of  eternal  torments.     His 
gloomy    and   enthusiastic    disposition    soon  led  him  to 
abandon  the   regular   churches,  as   not  sufficiently  aus- 
tere and  visionary,  and  to  join  himself  to  the  fanatical 

sect  of  Montanists. 

VI.  NexttoTertuUian  is  Minucius  Felix, 
A.  D.  210.     another  writer  of  the  Western  church,  ei- 
ther a  Roman  or  an  African,  a  lawyer  by 
profession,  and  a  man  of  considerable  learning.     His 

q  Tertull.  De  Spectaculis,  cap.  30.    Written  about  a.  d.  203,  or 
204. 


S2  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Cliap. 

Dialogue,  the  only  work  he  has  left  us,  is  a  popular 
disputation,  elegantly  written,  in  defence  of  Christianity 
against  paganism  ;  but  its  beauty  is  somewhat  sulHed  by 
a  mixture  of  heathen  superstitions,  and  its  force  impair- 
ed by  frequent  declamation  instead  of  argument.  The 
author  seems  to  assert  the  strict  eternity  of  hell-tor- 
ments, and  to  represent  that  his  was  the  common  opinion 
of  christians,  on  the  subject.  In  allusion  to  the  Gre- 
cian fable  of  the  tremendous  oath  of  the  gods,  he  says 
that  Jupiter  swears  by  the  broiling  banks  of  the  river 
of  fire,  and  "  shudders  at  the  torments  which  await 
"  him  and  his  worshippers  :  torments  that  know  neither 
"  measure  nor  end.  For  there  the  subtile  fire  burns 
"  and  repairs,  consumes  and  nourishes  ;  and  as  lighten- 
"  ings  waste  not  the  bodies  they  blast,  and  Etna,  Vesu- 
"  vius  and  other  volcanoes  continue  to  burn  without  ex- 
"  pending  their  fuel,  so  these  penal  flames  of  hell  are  fed, 
"  not  from  the  diminution  of  the  damned,  but  from  the 
"  bodies  they  prey  upon  without  consuming'."  The 
objector  to  Christianity  is,  in  another  passage,  represent- 
ed as  saying  that  christians  threaten  all  but  themselves 
"  with  torments  that  never  shall  have  an  end^" 

VII.  Clemens,  Tertullian,  and  Minucius  Felix,  in 
treating  of  the  infernal  region  and  its  torments,  frequent- 
ly adopt  the  language  and  some  of  the  views  of  tlie 
ancient  heathen  poets.  Ever  since  Justin  Martyr,  it 
had  been  a  common  opinion  among  the  orthodox  fa- 
thers, that  at  death  all   souls,  both  the  righteous   and 

r  Minucii  Fol.  Dialog,  cap.  34.  Lardner  dates  this  Dialogue  at  a. 
D.  210;  some  critics  have  assigned  it  to  an  earlier  period,  and  others 
to  a  later,  even  to  the  year  230.         ^  Ditto,  cap.  11. 


iii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  33 

the  wicked,  descended  to  the  Hades  of  the  Greeks,  or 
Infernum  of  the  Latins  ;  which  was  a  subterranean  world 
consisting  of  two  general  divisions,  the  mansions  of  the 
just,  and  the  abodes  of  the  guilty.  Here  the  separate 
spirits  dwelt,  either  in  joy  or  suffering,  according  to  their 
different  characters  and  deserts  ;  undergoing  various 
courses  of  discipline  and  purification,  as  was  thought  by 
some  ;  or  fixed  in  their  respective  stations,  awaiting  the 
decision  of  the  approaching  general  judgment,  as  was 
represented  by  others.  Some  of  the  fathers*,  however, 
do  not  seem  to  have  believed  in  the  conscious  existence 
of  the  soul  from  the  instant  of  death,  till  the  time  of  the 
general  judgment ;  but  the  latter  event,  they  all  agreed, 
was  near  at  hand,  when  the  w^orld  should  be  destroy- 
ed by  fire,  Tertullian  says,  in  the  end  of  his  own  age. 

VIII.  In  concluding  this  chapter,  it  may  be  proper 
to  give,  as  far  as  practicable,  a  succinct  account  of 
the  state  of  Universalism,  at  the  period  now  under 
consideration.  It  appears,  then,  that  of  the  orthodox 
christians,  some  believed  the  eventual  salvation  of 
all  mankind,  after  a  future  punishment  for  the  wicked ; 
while  others,  again,  held  the  doctrine  of  endless  mis- 
ery. This  diversity  of  opinion,  however,  occasioned 
no  divisions,  no  controversies  nor  contentions  among 
them;  and  both  sentiments  existed  together  in  the 
church  without  reproach.  If  we  may  hazard  a  con- 
jecture, the  generality  of  the  orthodox  had  not  any 
fixed  nor  definite  opinion  on  the  subject.  That  there 
was  a  future  state  of  suffering,  they  all  agreed;  but 
whether  it  were  endless,    or  would  terminate  in  anni- 

*  Viz.  Tatian,  and  perhaps  Minucius  Felix. 


S4  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

hilation,  or  whetlier  it  would  result  in  a  general  res- 
toration, were  probably  points  which  few  inquired  in- 
to. Such,  we  may  suppose,  was  the  case  with  the 
orthodox  churches. 

But  we  must  not  here  forget  the  Universalists  among 
the  Gnostic  christians.  The  Basihdians,  Garpocratians 
and  Valentinians  were  now  thinly  scattered  over  all 
Christendom,  and  abounded  in  some  places,  particular- 
ly in  Egypt  and  the  adjacent  countries.  Though  they 
agreed  with  the  Universalists  among  the  orthodox,  in 
the  simple  fact  of  the  ultimate  salvation  of  all  souls,  yet 
their  denial  of  the  resurrection  and  of  a  future  judg- 
ment, their  views  concerning  the  creation  of  this  world, 
and,  in  short,  the  mass  of  Oriental  fables  which  they 
held  in  common  with  the  rest  of  the  Gnostics,  deprived 
them  of  all  intercourse  with  their  brethren,  except  as 
opponents.  They  were  Gnostics,  and  the  others  were 
Orthodox  :  these  were  the  terms  of  distinction.  As  Uni- 
versalism,  on  either  side,  was  not  a  subject  of  abuse,  so 
it  was  not  an  occasion  for  special  favor  and  friendship  ; 
and  the  striking  difference  between  their  views  on  al- 
most every  particular  in  the  whole  circle  of  divinity, 
created  a  perpetual  altercation,  in  which  the  few  instan- 
ces of  their  mutual  agreement  were  overlooked  or  for- 
gotten. The  entire  body  of  the  orthodox,  whether 
Universalists  or  not,  stood  in  uniform  array  against  the 
Gnostics  of  all  kinds  ;  and  these,  in  their  turn,  united 
their  various  sects,  in  the  struggle  against  their  common 
adversaries. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

[Origen.] 

I.  Meanwhile,  the  attention  of  the  chris- 
A.  D.  230.  tian  world  was  directed  to  an  extraordina- 
ry genius  who  had  arisen  in  the  church. 
The  name  of  Origen  Adamantius  had  awakened  an  in- 
terest among  heathens  as  well  as  believers,  from  Egypt 
and  Greece  eastward  to  the  remotest  provinces  of  the 
Roman  empire.  As  a  doctor  in  the  church,  and  as  a 
philosopher^  among  the  learned,  he  stood  alone,  with- 
out either  rival  or  competitor,  and  enjoyed  a  living  rep- 
utation, such  as  few,  in  any  age,  have  ever  acquired. 

It  was  about  the  year  230  that  he  pubhshed,  at  Al- 
exandria, among  other  works,  his  books  Of  Principles, 
in  which  he  advocated,  at  considerable  length,  the  doc- 
trine of  Universal  Salvation.  This  work  has  come 
down  to  us  only  in  the  Latin  translation  by  Rufinus, 
who  altered  it  in  many  places,  especially  in  what  relat- 
ed to  the  Trinity,  in  order  the  more  to  accommodate 
its  doctrine  to  the  faith' of  the   fourth  century.     This 

a  He  became  a  philosopher,  as  many  a  one  does,  not  by  original 
discoveries,  nor  by  his  own  investigations  into  the  nature  of  things ; 
but  by  a  thorough  acquaintance  with  the  philosophic  principles  and 
maxims  he  had  learned  from  his  preceptors,  and  by  his  surprising, 
though  not  always  happy  readiness  in  illustrating  and  tracing  them, 
and  in  accommodating  them  to  every  case  and  subject  which  occur- 
red. In  one  word ,  he  was  a  philosopher  of  the  schools,  not  of  na- 
ture. Mosheim  (De  Reb.  Christian.  Ante  Constant,  pp.  611,  612.) 
has  drawn  his  character,  as  a  philosopher,  in  strong,  but  not  unfaithflil 
colors. 

8 


S6  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

circumstance  throws  a  shade  of  uncertainty,  in  some  re- 
spects, upon  the  original  character  of  the  treatise.  But 
that  it  contained,  in  its  first,  as  well  as  in  its  present 
state,  the  doctrine  in  view,  is  beyond  a  question ;  as  an- 
cient writers  ^  who  lived  while  the  genuine  Greek  cop- 
ies were  yet  extant,  referred  to  them,  and  quoted  their 
language,  for  the  purpose  of  exciting  the  indignation,  or 
calling  forth  the  anathema,  of  the  church,  against  the 
memory  of  the  illustrious  author,  for  having  asserted  the 
restoration  of  every  fallen,  intehigent  creature. 

II.  Taking,  then,  the  translation  of  Rufinus  for  our 
authority,  where  we  can  obtain  no  other,  it  appears  that 
Origen  introduced  the  doctrine  of  Universalism  and  that 
of  the  Pre-existence  of  souls,  together :  "  Whoever," 
said  he,  "  would  read  and  acquaint  himself  with  these 
"  subjects,  so  difficult  to  be  understood,  should  possess 
"  a  mature  and  well  instructed  understanding.  For  if 
"  he  be  not  accustomed  to  such  topics,  they  may  appear 
"  to  him  vain  and  useless  ;  or  if  his  mind  be  already  es- 
'•  tablished  in  opposite  sentiments,  he  may  hastily  sup- 
"pose,  through  his  own  prejudice,  that  these  are  heret- 
"  ical  and  contrary  to  the  faith  of  the  church.  Indeed, 
"  they  are  advanced  by  us  with  much  hesitation,  and 
"more  in  the  way  of  investigating  and  discussing  them, 
"  than  as  pronouncing  them  certain  and   indisputable. 

"  The  end  and  consummation  of  the  world  will  take 
"place,  when  all  shall  be  subjected  to  punishments  pro- 
"  portioned  to  their  several  sins ;  and  how  long  each 
"  one  shall  suffer,  in  order  to  receive  his   deserts,God 

^  Viz.  Jerome,  Justinian,  &c. 


iv.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  37 

"  only  knows.  But  we  suppose  that  the  goodness  of 
"  God,  through  Christ,  will  certainly  restore  all  crea- 
"  tures  into  one  final  state  ;  his  very  enemies  being  over- 
"  come  and  subdued.  For  thus  saith  the  scripture  : 
"  The  Lord  said  unto  my  Loi'd,  sit  thou  at  my  light  hand, 
'^  until  I  make  thine  enemies  thy  footstool.  (Ps.  ex.  1.)  To 
"  the  same  amount,  but  more  clearly,  the  apostle  Paul 
"  says  that  Christ  must  reign  till  he  hath  put  all  enemies 
''^  under  his  feet.  But  if  there  be  any  doubt  what  is 
"  meant  by  putting  enemies  under  his  feet,  let  us  hear 
"  the  apostle  still  further,  who  says,  for  all  things  must 
"  be  subjected  to  him.{lCoY.  xv.)  What,  then,  is  that  sub- 
ejection  with  which  all  things  must  be  subdued  to  Christ  ? 
"I  tliink  it  to  be  that  with  which  we  ourselves  desire  to 
"  be  subdued  to  him  ;  and  with  which  also  the  apostles 
"  and  all  the  saints  who  have  followed  Christ,  have  been 
"  subdued  to  him.  For  the  very  expression,  subjected 
"  to  Christ,  denotes  the  salvation  of  those  who  are  sub- 
ejected  :  as  David  says,  shall  not  my  soul  be  subjected 
"  to  God?  for  from  him  is  my  salvation.  (Ps.  Ixii.  1.) 
"  Such,  then,  being  the  final  result  of  things,  that  all 
"  enemies  shall  be  subdued  to  Christ,  death  the  last  en- 
"  emy  be  destroyed,  and  the  kingdom  be  delivered  up 
"  to  the  Father,  by  Christ ;  let  us,  with  this  view  be- 
"  fore  us,  now  turn  and  contemplate  the  beginning  of 
"things.  Now,  the  beginning  always  resembles  the 
"  end  ;  and  as  there  vrill  be  one  common  end  or  result 
"  to  all,  so  we  should  believe  that  all  had  one  common 
"  beginning.  In  other  words,  that  as  the  great  variety 
"  of  characters  and  different  orders  of  beings  which  now 
e  exist,  will,  through  the  goodness  of  God,  their  subjec- 


88  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

"tion  to  Jesus  Christ,  and  the  unity  of  the  Holy  Spirit, 
"  be  finally  restored  to  one  and  the  same  state  ;  so  were 
"  they  all  originally  created  in  one  common  condition, 
"  resembling  that  into  which  they  are  eventually  to  be 
"  recalled.  All  who  are  at  last  to  bow  the  knee  to  Je- 
"  sus  Christ,  in  token  of  subjection,  that  is,  all  who  are 
"  in  heaven,  all  on  earth,  and  all  under  the  earth,  (by 
"  which  three  terms  is  comprehended  the  w^hole  inteUi- 
"  gent  creation)  proceeded  at  first  from  that  one  com- 
"  mon  state  ;  but  as  virtue  was  not  immutably  fixed  in 
"  them,  as  in  God,  they  came  to  Indulge  different  pas- 
"  sions,  and  to  cherish  different  principles.  They  were 
"  therefore  assigned  to  the  various  ranks  and  condi- 
"  tions  they  now  hold,  as  the  reward  or  punishment 
"  of  their  respective  deserts^,"  he.  he.  The  same  sub- 
ject he  introduces  repeatedly,  with  various  illustra- 
tions, in  the  course  of  this  work. 

III.  Our  author  was,  at  this  time,   about  forty-five 
years  old.     From  his  childhood,  the  greatest  expecta- 
tions had  been  entertained  of  him ;    and  in  his  case,  ma- 
ture years  did  not  disappoint  the  hopes  which  preco- 
-jQ^      cious  genius  had  inspired.     Origen,  after- 
wards surnamed  Adamantius,  was  born  in 
to  203.       ^^^  city  of  Alexandria,  A.  D.  185,  or   186. 
Under  his  father,  Leonidas,  he  was,  while  very  young,  well 
instructed  in  all  the  rudiments  of  learning,  and  assidu- 
ously trained  to  the  study  of  the  sacred  scriptures.     Of 
these,  it  was  his  daily  task  to  commit  a  portion  to  mem- 

c  Origen.  dePrincipiis,  Lib.  i.  cap.  6.  N.  B.  The  reader  will  find 
our  author's  notion  of  Pre-existence  more  plainly  described,  in  Sect, 
vi.  of  this  chapter. 


iv.]  OF  UNI\TERSALISM.  89 

ory ;  but  with  his  characteristic  passion  for  speculative 
inquiry,  he  refused  to  be  content  with  their  obvious 
meaning,  and  often  perplexed  his  father  by  an  inquishive 
desire  after  a  hidden,  mysterious  sense  of  the  passages 
which  struck  his  attention.  This  imaginary  sense  was 
then  the  great  object  of  investigation,  among  all  who  as- 
pired to  superior  attainments  in  rehgious  knowledge  ; 
and  therefore  his  son's  inquiries,  at  so  early  an  age, 
were  hailed  by  Leonidas  with  secret  rapture,  though  he 
seemingly  checked  his  too  manly  researches,  and  ad- 
monished him  to  confine  his  thoughts  to  subjects  more 
within  the  reach  of  his  infantile  powers. 

When  a  little  more  advanced  in  years,  Origen  was 
sent  to  the  Catechetical  School,  where  he  studied  di- 
vinity under  Clemens  Alexandrinus.  Here  liis  pursuits 
were  at  length  interrupted,  in  the  seventeenth  year  of  his 
age,  by  the  persecution  under  Severus  ;  which  began  at 
Alexandria  in  A.  D.  202,  and  soon  obliged  his  master  to 
flee  from  the  city.  His  father  w^as  seized  and  imprisoned 
for  his  religion  ;  and  many  others  shared  the  same  fate. 
But  undismayed  by  the  gathering  dangers,  the  eager  spirit 
of  the  youth  seemed  to  contemplate  them  with  the 
strange  delight  of  an  enthusiast.  He  would  have 
thrown  liimself  into  the  hands  of  the  persecutors^  in  hope 
of  obtaining  the  jorize  of  mart}Tdom,  had  he  not  been  pre- 
vented by  his  mother,  who  hid  his  clothes,  and  thus,  by 
the  sense  of  shame,  confined  him  to  his  house.  Fearing 
that  his  father's  constancy  would  yield  to  anxiety  for  his 
family's  welfare,  he  entreated  him,  by  letter,  to  perse- 
vere :  "  Be  steadfast,  my  father,"  said  he,  "  and  take 
"  heed  that  you  do  not  renounce  your  profession,  on  our 
8^ 


90  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap- 

"  account."  Animated  by  his  son's  exhortation,  he  re- 
mained inflexible  to  the  last,  and  courageously  suffered 
martyrdom. 

On  the  execution  of  the  father,  the  estate  was  con- 
fiscated, and  the  family  reduced,  at  once,  to  extreme 
poverty ;  but  a  rich  lady  of  Alexandria,  either  from 
compassion,  or  respect,  took  Origen  into  her  own 
house,  and  freely  gave  him  a  support.  There  lived 
with  her,  at  the  same  time,  Paul  of  Antioch,  a  fa- 
mous heretic,  Avhom  she  had  adopted  as  her  son,  and 
who  held  public  lectures  under  her  patronage.  With 
him  though  Origen  was  obliged  by  his  situation  to 
converse,  yet  not  even  gratitude  to  their  common 
patroness  could  overcome  his  constant,  perhaps  bigot- 
ed refusal  to  unite  in  prayers ;  and  he  took  every 
method  to  express  his  abhorrence  of  heresy,  little 
thinking  that  future  ages  would  repay  this  detestation 
two-fold  upon  his  own  head.  Whether  his  benefac- 
tress began  to  withdraw  her  favor,  or  whether  he  re- 
solved of  himself  to  spare  her  charity,  it  appears  that 
in  about  a  year  he  threw  himself  upon  his  own  ex- 
ertions for  a  livelihood.  Having  been  engaged,  ever 
since  his  father's  death,  in  the  study  of  the  sciences, 
he  now  (A.  D.  203,)  opened  a  grammar  school,  from 
which  he  had  the  prospect  of  deriving  a  support.  But 
his  attention  was  immediately  called  to  other  subjects : 
some  of  the  heathens  applying  to  him  for  religious 
instruction,  he  gladly  acceded  to  their  request;  the 
number  of  his  scholars  and  converts  increased ;  and 
Demetrius,  bishop  at  Alexandria,  appointed  him,  though 
but  eighteen  years  old,  to  the  care  either  of  the  great 


IV. ]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  gj 

Catechetical  School,    or  perhaps,   at  first,  to    a  more 
private  one  of  the  same  kind. 

IV.  Placed  in  a  station  so  congenial  with 
A.  D.  203,  his  taste,  all  his  talents  and  attainments 
to  216.  were  devoted  to  the  discharge  of  its  du- 
ties. Li  order  to  abstract  his  attention 
from  other  studies,  as  well  as  to  secure  himself  a  main- 
tenance, he  sold  that  part  of  his  library  which  treated 
of  science  and  literature,  and  received  from  the  pur- 
chaser an  obligation  to  supply  him  daily  with /owr  oholi^ 
about  five  pence,  as  an  income  for  his  subsistence. 
From  this  period,  his  life  was  one  of  the  most  rigid 
abstinence  and  laborious  study.  The  day  he  spent 
partly  in  fasting  and  other  religious  exercises,  and  part- 
ly in  the  duties  of  his  office  ;  the  night  he  passed  in 
the  study  of  the  scriptures,  reserving  a  little  time  for 
sleep,  which  he  seldom  took  in  bed,  and  generally  on 
tlie  bare  ground.  A  sort  of  monkish  austerity  had 
grown  to  high  repute  in  the  church ;  and  accordingly 
Origen's  self-denial  increased  the  fame  of  his  sanctity, 
and  conspired,  with  his  eloquence  and  extensive  learn- 
ing, to  draw  from  every  quarter  a  great  number  of  dis- 
ciples. They  did  not  dishonor  their  master :  Of  their 
constancy  in  the  faith,  he  soon  had  an  opportunity  of 
witnessing  a  full,  though  painful,  proof;  for  in  a  furious 
persecution  which  some  of  the  Roman"  magistrates  set 
on  foot  at  Alexandria,  several  of  his  scholars  undaunt- 
edly sealed  their  professions  with  their  lives.  He  him- 
self was  often  attacked  with  showers  of  stones,  w^hile 
going  to  the  place  of  execution  to  exhort  and  encour- 
age the  martyrs  'y  and  as  no  dangers  ever  deterred  him 


92  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap . 

from  this  practice,  the  exasperated  heathens  at  length 
beset  his  house,  and  obhged  him  to  secrete  himself,  in 
order  to  escape  their  rage.  About  this  time,  A.  D. 
206,  in  his  twenty-first  year,  the  excessive  rigor  of  his 
discipline  led  to  an  act  which  became  an  occasion  of 
self-regret,  and  of  much  reproach,  in  future  life  :  un- 
derstanding our  Saviour  to  recommend  emasculation*^, 
he  made  himself  a  eunuch,  not  only  for  the  kingdom  of 
heaven's  sake,  but  also  from  prudential  considerations; 
his  instructions  being  sought  by  both  sexes.  Demetri- 
us, his  bishop,  applauded  it,  at  first,  as  an  act  of  the 
greatest  christian  heroism  ;  though  he,  afterwards,  al- 
leged it  against  him  as  an  inexcusable  offence. 

Such,  at  length,  was  the  increase  of  his  school,  that 
its  cares  engrossed  too  much  of  his  thoughts,  leaving  him 
no  time  for  reflection  and  improvement.  He  therefore 
committed  the  younger  pupils  to  his  friend  Heraclas, 
one  of  his  earliest  converts  ;  and  employed  the  leisure 
w^iich  this  arrangement  afforded,  in  various  studies  and 
occupations.  He  apphed  himself  to  the  Hebrew,  a 
language  then  but  little  known ;  next  he  began,  it  is 
thought,  that  astonishing  monument  of  application  and 
labor,  the  Hexapla  or  Octapla,  a  Polyglott  of  the  Old 
Testament ;  and  it  w^as,  perhaps,  not  far  from  this 
period^,  that  he  attended  the  lectures  of  the  ingenious 
and  subtile  Ammonius  Saccas,  whose  darling  study  it 
was  to  harmonize  all  the  different  systems  of  philosophy 
and  religion,  heathen  as  well  as  christian,  by  combining 

d  Matt.  xix.  12.  c  So  thinks  Lardnerj    other  biograpliers, 

however,  refer  his  attendance  at  the  School  of  Ammonius,  to  an  ear- 
lier period. 


iv.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  93 

their  leading  principles,  and  by  rejecting  from  each, 
or  turning'  into  allegory,  whatever  was  absolutely  dis- 
cordant with  his  general  design.  Under  him,  Origen 
became  master  of  the  Platonic,  Pythagorean,  Stoic, 
and  Oriental  notions ;  which,  together  with  his  previous 
acquirements,  rendered  him  so  expert  in  the  whole 
circle  of  ancient  literature  and  science,  that  many  of 
the  learned,  even  among  the  heretics  and  the  heathens, 
came  to  make  trial  of  his  skill,  or  to  be  instructed  by 
him.  Of  these,  there  was  one  who  preserved  his 
o\^Ti  name  from  obli\aon,  by  the  zeal  with  which  he 
assisted  Origen,  and  the  success  with  which  he  drew 
forth  his  talents.  The  name  of  Ambrosius  will  fre- 
quently occur  in  this  biography.  He  was  a  wealthy 
nobleman  of  Alexandria,  who  had  followed  the  Valen- 
tinian  and  Marcionite  heresies  ;  but  on  being  convinced 
by  attending  the  school  of  Origen,  (A.  D.  212,)  he 
joined  the  orthodox  church,  and  became  the  great  pat- 
ron and  benefactor  of  his  master.  Not  far  from  the 
year  213,  Origen's  curiosity  led  him  to  visit  Rome. 
Here,  however,  he  tarried  but  a  short  time,  and  then 
returned  to  Alexandria.  Soon  afterwards,  he  went  in- 
to Arabia,  on  the  request  of  some  leader  of  the  wan- 
dering tribes,  who  had  earnestly  entreated  him  to  come 
and  instruct  him  in  the  christian  religion.  Scarcely 
was  he  re-established  in  Alexandria,  when  the  emperor 
Caracalla  (A.  D  216,)  threw  the  whole  city  into  con- 
sternation by  an  indiscriminate  massacre,  in  revenge 
for  the  jeers  and  scoffs  he  had  received  from  some  of 
the  inhabitants ;  and  to  escape  the  terrible  confusion, 
Origen   retired   to  Cesarea   in   Palestine.      Here,  the 


94  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

bishops  of  the  province  persuaded  him,  though  never 
Qi'dained,  to  expound  the  scriptures  publicly  to  the 
people. 

V.  This  appointment,  so  honorable  to  Or- 
A.  D.  216,  igen,  was  but  the  forerunner  of  an  inveter- 
to  230.  ate,  and  at  length  fatal,  persecution  from 
his  own  bishop  at  Alexandria.  Demetrius 
instantly  addressed  a  letter  of  complaint  to  his  brethren 
in  Palestine,  asserting  that  it  was  a  thing  unheard  of, 
that  a  layman  should  preach  in  the  presence  of  bish- 
ops^; but  Alexander  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  and  Theoc- 
tistus,  bishop  of  Cesarea,  answered  him,  by  showing 
that  the  practice  had  been  sanctioned  in  the  church  by 
several  precedents.  Demetrius,  however,  remained  dis- 
satisfied, and  sent  some  deacons,  to  Origen,  with  an 
order  for  his  immediate  return  to  Alexandria.  He 
came  accordingly  and  resumed  the  care  of  his  school. 
This  he  seems  to  have  prosecuted,  in  quiet,  for  five  or 
six  years ;  when  an  event  occurred,  which  serves  to 
,,diow,  at  once,  the  superiority  of  his  reputation,  and  the 
'  influence  it  had  in  recommending  Christianity  to  the 
favorable  notice  of  the  great.  The  princess  Mammsea. 
mother  of  Alexander  the  reigning  emperor,  sent  for 
Origen  to  visit  her  at  Antioch,  and  furnished  a  mihtary 
guard  to  escort  him  thither.     Having  given  her  a  gen- 


f  Ecclesiastical  historians  from  Euscbius  downwards,  have  attrib- 
uted Dcmctrius's  conduct  to  envy ;  but  Moslieim  (Dc  Rebus  Chris- 
tian. Ante  Constant,  p.  071.  and  scq.)  has  shown  it  to  liave  been,  more 
probably,  the  result  of  policy  in  behalf  of  his-  own  church,  .at  first; 
and  afterwards,  the  effect  of  strong  passion,  roused  by  disregard  of 
his  authority. 


iv.]  OF  UNI  VERS  ALISM.  95 

eral  illustration  of  the  christian  doctrine,  he  returned, 
with  her  permission,  to  his  charge  at  Alexandria. 

At  the  earnest  solicitation  of  Ambrosius,  he  now  be- 
gan his  Commentaries.  He  was  furnished,  by  this  de- 
voted patron,  with  every  convenience  for  the  purpose  : 
seven  notaries  stood  ready  to  record  as  he  dictated  ; 
and  a  number  of  transcribers  received  their  hasty  notes, 
and  wrote  them  out,  in  a  plain  and  elegant  hand.  In 
this  manner  he  was  engaged  till  A.  D.  228  ;  w^hen  he 
was  sent  into  Achaia,  on  some  ecclesiastical  affairs, 
with  letters  of  recommendation  from  Demetrius.  Pass- 
ing through  Palestine  on  his  journey,  he  was  ordained 
Presbyter,  by  the  bishops  of  that  province.  Demetrius 
warmly  resented  this  procedure  of  foreign  prelates,  with- 
out his  leave ;  and  wrote  letters  against  Origen  to  the 
churches,  declaring  him  disqualified  for  the  priesthood 
by  the  act  performed  in  his  youth,  and  alleging  that  it 
was  unlawful  to  ordain  the  Principal  of  the  Alexandrian 
School,  without  his  knowledge  and  concurrence.  In 
the  midst  of  this  ferment,  Origen,  having  accomplished 
his  business  in  Greece,  returned  to  Alexandria,  finished 
the  first  five  books  of  his  Commentaries  on  St.  John, 
those  on  the  Lamentations,  on  some  of  the  Psalms, 
and  on  part  of  Genesis,  and  published  them,  A.  D.  230, 
together  with  his  work  entitled  Stromata,  and  his  book 
Of  Princij'les. 

VI.  These  were,  perhaps,  his  first  publications. 
From  the  last  mentioned  work,  we  have  already  seen 
that,  in  connexion  with  Universalism,  he  held  the  doc- 
trine of  Pre-existence.  His  opinion  was,  that  in  the 
past   ages  of  eternity,  God  created,  at  once,  all  the  ra- 


9^  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

tional  minds  which  liave  ever  existed,  whether  of  angels 
or  men,  gave  them  the  same  natm-e  and  the  same  powd- 
ers, and  placed  them  all  in  one  celestial  state.  Accor- 
dingly they  w^ere  all,  at  first,  exactly  alike  in  rank, 
capacity  and  character.  But  as  they  all  had  perfect 
freedom  of  will,  they  did  not  long  continue  in  this  state 
of  equality  ;  for  while  some  improved  themselves  more 
or  less,  others  degenerated  proportionally,  till  an  infinite 
diversity  of  character  and  condition  began  to  take  place 
among  them.  In  consequence  of  this,  the  Almighty 
at  length  formed  the  material  Universe  out  of  pre-ex- 
istent  matter,  and  appointed  those  spirits  to  different 
ranks  and  conditions  in  it,  according  to  their  respec- 
tive deserts ;  elevating  some  to  the  angelic  order,  con- 
signing others  to  the  infernal  abodes  as  demons,  and 
sending  the  intermediate  class,  as  occasion  might  re- 
quire, into  human  bodies.  Origen  supposed  also  that 
the  Sun,  Moon  and  Stars  were  animated  by  certain 
spirits  who  had  attained  to  great  moral  splendor,  dig- 
nity and  power,  and  who  might,  with  justice,  claim 
those  bright  and  glorious  spheres  as  their  own  appro- 
priate bodies. 

As  all  these  intelligent  beings,  whatever  their  char- 
acter and  station,  still  retain  their  original  freedom  of 
will,  and  are  therefore  capable  of  returning  from  their 
former  transgressions,  of  forfeiting  their  honors,  or  of  ris- 
ing to  still  higher  degrees  of  excellence,  their  present  con- 
ditions are  not  only  the  allotments  of  retributive  jus- 
tice for  tlie  past,  but  are  also  states  of  discipline  ad- 
apted to  reclaim  the  degenerate,  and  to  encourage  the 
virtuous.     To    this    end,  indeed,  are  all  the  appoint- 


iv.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  97 

merits  of  providence,  and  all  the  administrations  of 
the  di\ine  government,  constantly  directed ;  and  justice 
itself  steadily  pursues   the    same    gracious    design^  in 

?  iMany  of  the  Gnostics  held  that  Justice  is  opposed  to  Goodness, 
and  that  "it  is  therefore  an  attribute  of  the  stern  Creator  of  this  world, 
and  not  of  the  benevolent  Deity.  Against  these  Origen  says,  ''  Let 
'•  them  consider  this  :  if  Goodness  is  a  virtue,  as  doubtless  they  will 
"  confess  it  to  be,  what  will  they  say  of  Justice  ?  They  will  not  be 
*•'  so  stupid,  I  think,  as  to  deny  that"  Justice  is  a  virtue.  If  Goodness 
"  then  is  a  virtue,  and  Justice  also  a  virtue,  there  is  no  question  but 
''that  Justice  is  Goodness.  But  if  they  still  assert  that  Justice  is  not 
"  Goodness,  it  remains  that  it  is  either  evil  or  inditferent.  Now,  I  sup- 
"  pose  it  would  be  folly  to  reply  to  any  who  should  say  that  Justice  is 
"  evil ;  for  how  can  that  be  evil,  which  renders  blessing  to  the  good, 
"  as  they  themselves  confess  that  Justice  does  ?  But  if  they  assert 
"that  it'^is  indifferent,  [neither  good  nor  evil,]  then  it  follows  thatto- 
"  gether  with  Justice,  every  other  virtue,  as  sobriety,  prudence,  &c. 
"must  be  considered  indifferent.  And  how  then  should  we  under- 
"  stand  St.  Paul,  who  says,  If  there  be  any  virtue,  any  praise,  think  on 
"  these  ihino-s  irhich  ye  have  both  learned  and  received,  and  heard,  and  seen 
"in  me.  (Phil.  iv.  8,9.)  Let  them,  therefore,  learn  by  searching  the 
"  scriptures,  what  are  the  several  virtues.  And  when  they  allege 
"that the  God  who  rewards  every  one  according  to  his  deserts,  ren- 
"  ders  evil  to  the  evil,  let  them  not  conceal  the  principle  :  that  as  the 
"  sick  must  be  cured  by  harsh  medicines,  so  God  administers,  for  the 
"purpose  of  emendation,  what  for  the  present  appears  to  produce 
"pain.  They  do  not  consider  what  is  written  concerning  the  hope 
"of  those  who  perished  in  the  deluge;  of  which  hope,  St.  Peter  says, 
"  in  his  first  Epistle,  that  Clu-ist  was  put  to  death  in  the  flesh,  but  qnick- 
"  ened  by  the  Spirit ;  by  ivhich  also  he  ivent  and  preached  to  the  spirits  in 
''prison,  ivhich  sometime  ivere  disobedient,  irhen  once  the  long-suffering  of 
"  God  tvaited  in  the  days  of  Noah,  lohile  the  ark  was  a  preparing,  SfC. 
"  (1  Pet.  iii.  18,  19,  20.)  Let  them  also  consider  the  instances  of  So- 
"dom  and  Gomorrah  :  as  they  believe  the  prophecies  are  the  word  of 
"  that  God,  the  Creator,  who  is  said  to  have  rained  fire  and  brimstone 
"  upon  them ;  what,  w^e  ask,  does  the  prophet  Ezekiel  say  of  thern  ? 
"  Sodom,  savs  he,  shall  be  restored  to  its  former  state.  (Ezek.  xvi.  55.) 
"  Now,  he  who  afflicts  those  who  deserve  punishment,  does  he  not 
"  afflict  them  for  their  good.^  He  says  also  toChaldea,  thouhast  coals 
"off  re;  sit  upon  them;  they  will  he  a  help  to  thee.  (Isa.  xlvii.  14.  15.) 
"  Let  them  also  hear  what  is  said,  in  the  Psafms,  of  those  who  fell  in 
"  the  desert :  when  he  had  slain  them,  then  they  sought  him.  (Ps.  Ixxviii.  34.) 
"It  is  not  said,  that  when  some  were  slain,  the  rest  sought  God ; 
"but  that  such  was  the  end  of  those  wdio  were  slain,  that  when  dead, 
"thev  sought  him."  De  Princip.  Lib.  ii.  cap.  5,  ^  3. 

N."'B.  Whenever  the  early  fathers  quote  from  the  Old  Testament, 
they  make  use  of  the  Septuagint  version,  which,  »n  many  passages, 
differs  considerably  from  our  translation. 

9 


9S  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

all  its  severe  but  salutary  inflictions.  Such  are  the 
views  we  may  gather  from  Origen's  books  Of  Princi- 
ples^ and  his  other  works  published  at  this  period. 

The  language  in  which  he  defines,  or  involves  his 
notions  of  the  Trinity,  is  not  always  such  as  would  now 
be  judged  orthodox,  though  it  was  probably  regarded  as 
sufficiently  so,  in  his  own  age.  Of  the  fall  of  man, 
he  has  no  other  view  than  that  it  consisted  in  the  de- 
scent of  the  celestial  soul  to  the  prison  of  an  earthly 
body,  in  consequence  of  hs  transgressions  ;  and  it  is 
evident  that  he  made  no  distinction  between  the  nat- 
ural state  of  Adam,  and  that  in  which  all  mankind  have 
since  been  born.  He  holds  that  none  can  ever  be  hap- 
py or  miserable  but  by  the  right  or  Avrong  use  of  their 
own  free-wills  ;  and  that  even  what  are  now  called  the 
gracious  influences  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  are  imparted  to 
creatures  only  in  proportion  to  their  previous  deserts. 
After  death,  the  souls  of  the  faithful  may  perhaps  re- 
main awhile  upon  earth,  under  a  course  of  purification  ; 
then  be  taken  into  tlie  air,  and  at  length  elevated  by 
degrees,  to  the  highest  heaven.  In  the  resurrection, 
mankind  will  come  forth  with  bodies,  not  of  gross  earth- 
ly matter,  but  of  an  aerial  substance ;  and  then  the 
whole  human  race,  both  good  and  bad,  will  be  subjected 
to  a  fiery  ordeal  in  the  general  conflagration,  with  differ- 
ent degrees  of  pain,  according  to  their  moral  purity  or 
corruption.  The  righteous  will  quickly  pass  through 
this  trial  into  the  enjoyments  of  heaven;  but  the 
wicked  will  then  be  condemned  to  the  punishment 
of  hell,  which  consist  both  of  inflicted  pain,  and  of  the 
remorse   of  conscience.     These   sufierings,  though  he 


iv.]  OF  UNI  VERS  ALISM.  99 

calls  them  everlasting^,  Origen  held,  would  be  appor- 
tioned, in  length  and  severity,  to  each  one's  wickedness 
and  hardness  of  heart :  for  some,  they  wouid  be  shorter 
and  more  moderate  ;  hut  for  others,  especially  for  the 
devil,  they  would  necessarily  be  rendered  intense,  and 
protracted  to  an  immense  duration,  in  order  to  overcome 
the  obstinacy  and  corruption  of  the  guilty  sufferers. 
At  last,  however,  the  whole  intelligent  creation  should 
be  purified,  and  God  became  all  in  all'. 

VII.  But  nothing  is  more  remarkable  in  these  early 
publications,  than  the  rule  they  set  forth  for  the  inter- 
pretation of  scripture.  We  have  already  seen  that  the 
allegorical  method  had  long  been  in  vogue  ;  and  that 
it  had,  now,  become  almost  universal.  Strange  as  it 
may  seem,  Origen  pursued  this  farther  than  even  his 
predecessors,  and  reduced  it  to  a  sort  of  system,  une- 
qualled in  absurdity  except  by  that  of  the  famous  Baron 
Swedenborg.  To  the  sacred  ^mtings  in  general,  he 
attributed  three  distinct  senses  :  1,  the  literal,  which 
in  no  case  is  of  great  importance,  and  sometimes  en- 
tirely useless  ;  2,  the  moral,  superior  in  value  to  the 
former,  teaching  us  to  consider  every  historical  account 

li  Proem.  Lib.  De  Principiis.  and  Lib.  ii.  cap  10,  §  1  and  3. 

i  Huet,  Du  Pin,  and  others,  represent  Origen  to  have  held  a  per- 
petual change  of  character,  and  condition  among'ail  classes  of  rational 
creatures;  so  that  not  only  the  damned  will,  in  time,  ascend  to  hap-  ■ 
piness,  but  also  the  blest  may,  at  length,  fall  into  sin  and  misery;  and 
joy  as  well  as  suffering  come  to  an  end.  It  is  true,  he  holds  the  per- 
petual freedom  of  the  will,  and  seems  to  admit,  in  consequence,  the 
probability  of  a  fall  hereafter,  from  heaven,  at  least  in  individual  cas- 
es. But  if  I  do  not  greatly  mistake,  he  contemplates  a  distant  peri- 
od, beyond  all  revolutions,  when  every  intelligent  nature  will  have 
become  so  thoroughly  taught  by  experience  and  observation,  and  so 
intimately  united  to  God,  as  to  be  in  no  more  danger  of  defection 
SeeDe  Princip.  Lib.  ii.  cap  3,  §  5,  and  Lib.  iii.  cap.  6,  §  6. 


100  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

as  an  allegorical  representation  of  certain  virtues  or  vi- 
ces in  our  own  hearts ;  as  when  the  scripture  relates 
that  Joseph  being  dead,  the  children  of  Israel  increased 
in  number,  we  learn  J,  by  the  moral  sense,  that  if  we 
receive  the  death  of  Christ,  our  spiritual  Joseph,  into 
our  sinful  members,  the  children  of  Israel,  that  is,  the 
graces  of  the  spirit,  will  be  multiplied  within  us ;  3,  the 
mystical  or  spiritual  sense  the  most  excellent  of  all :  by 
wliich  the  more  enlightened  can  trace  in  all  the  scrip- 
ture narratives,  of  whatever  sort,  a  latent  history  of 
Christ's  church  ;  and  by  which  also  they  can  discover, 
in  every  account  of  earthly  things,  some  representations 
of  that  celestial,  invisible  world,  of  which  the  present 
is  but  a  faint  and  imperfect  image.  There,  souls  are 
the  inhabitants,  and  angels  the  rulers ;  and  there  the 
ideal  regions  and  the  order  of  events  correspond,  in  some 
degree,  to  those  on  earth.  Ridiculous  as  was  this  sys- 
tem of  interpretation,  it  met  the  taste  of  his  times; 
though  even  then  there  were  some  who  rejected  it,  at 
least  in  part,  and  raised  their  feeble  voice  against  its 
extravagance.  But  they  themselves  often  ran  into  oth- 
er notions  nearly  as  chimerical. 

VIII.    While    Origen   was   engaged   in 

A.  D.  230,     preparing    and  publishing  the  works  now 

to  245.       mentioned,  the  storm  which  his  bishop  had 

raised  against  him,  continued,  increasing  in 

violence.     Wearied  out,  at  length,  with  contention,  he 

took  a  private  and   final  leave  of  his  native   country, 

J  Homil.  i.  in  Exod.  §  4.  I  have  taken  this  illustration  from  one 
of  Origen 's  hiter  works;  but  in  the  hooks  Of  Principles,  the  nature 
and  use  of  the  moral  sense  arc  abundantly  explained. 


Iv.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  101 

(A.  D.  231,)  and  retired  to  Palestine,  where  he  was 
cordially  received  by  his  old  friends,  Alexander  of  Je- 
rusalem, and  Theoctistus  of  Cesarea.  Immediately  on 
his  retreat,  Demetrius  assembled  all  the  Egyptian  bish- 
ops and  such  of  the  presbyters  as  he  thought  in  his  own 
favor,  with  the  hope  of  procuring  the  condemnation  of 
his  victim.  In  this,  however,  he  was  disappointed : 
the  council  decreed  only  that  Origen  should  be  depriv- 
ed of  his  office  in  the  Catechetical  School,  and  of  the 
privilege  of  teaching  at  Alexandria ;  but  that  he  should 
still  enjoy  his  character  of  presbyter.  This  not  satis- 
fying his  wrath,  Demetrius  called  another  council  (prob- 
ably in  A.  D.  232,)  composed  of  such  bishops  only  as 
he  saw  fit  to  select  from  his  own  province.  With  these 
he  succeeded  :  they  ordained  that  Origen  should  be  de- 
posed from  his  sacerdotal  dignity,  and  excommunicated 
from  the  church.  When  this  sentence  was  thus  for- 
mally passed  upon  him,  he  could  not,  according  to  the 
ecclesiastical  Constitution  and  Canons,  be  received  in 
any  church,  nor  by  any  bishop,  under  the  Catholic,  ju- 
risdiction ;  nevertheless  the  bishops  of  Arabia,  Pales- 
tine, Phoenicia,  and  Achaia,  his  personal  acquaintances, 
hazarded  the  experiment  of  supporting  him,  at  the  ex- 
pense of  non-conformity  to  the  established  regulations. 
But  in  the  West,  and  particularly  at  Rome,  the  sentence 
of  excommunication  was  readily  confirmed. 

That  it  was  not  for  error  in  doctrine  that  Origen  was 
condemned,  is  expressly  asserted  by  some  of  the  an- 
cients^, and  evident  from  the  silence  of  all  the  rest.    It 

k  Jerome.  Apud  Ruf.  Invect.ii.  inter  Hieronymi  Opera. 

9* 


102  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap, 

is  not  incredible,  indeed,  that  his  adversary  adopted  the 
usual  expedient  in  ecclesiastical  persecution,  and  in  or- 
der to  increase  the  odium,  represented  some  opinions 
he  had  advanced,  as  worthy  of  reproof.  But  if  this 
were  the  case,  it  cannot  have  fornred  a  prominent 
ground  in  the  prosecution,  as  there  is  no  trace  of  it  left, 
in  all  antiquity.  What  were  the  principal  charges  al- 
leged against  him,  we  can  only  conjecture  ^ :  The  con- 
sciences of  an  angy  prelate,  and  of  his  select  minions, 
could  not  be  very  scrupulous  in  the  choice  of  matter  for 
condemnation ;  and  it  is  thought  to  have  related  only 
to  some  informality  in  his  ordination,  and  to  some  dis- 
regard of  the  customary  claims  of  his  bishop.  Deme- 
trius, however,  did  not  long  enjoy  his  revenge,  as  he 
died,  probably,  this  year.  After  his  decease,  the  rage 
of  opposition  appeared  to  subside  ;  but  still  Origen  was 
considered,  by  the  Egyptian  christians,  as  an  excommu- 
nicated person  ;  and  such  was  their  respect  for  the  ec- 
clesiastical Canons,  that  the  sentence  of  Demetrius  was 
never  revoked  by  their  successors,  Heraclas  and  Dio- 
nysius,  although  they  had  been  disciples  of  Origen,  the 

1  As  for  the  story  we  find  in  Epiphanius  (Hasres.  Ixiv.  2.)  that  be- 
fore Origen  left  Alexandria,  he  consented  to  hold  incense  over  the 
altar  in  honor  of  an  idol,  rather  than  be  unnaturally  defiled  by  an 
Ethiopian,  it  is  generally  thought  by  the  moderns  to  have  been  one 
of  Epiphanius's  fables,  or  perhaps  an  interpolation  in  his  works.  Ni- 
cephorus  appears  to  have  taken  tlie  same  account,  with  some  altera- 
tions, from  Epiphanius.  Some  later  writer,  in  order  to  continue  the 
story,  has  forged  a  piece  entitled  The  Lamentation  of  Origen,  or  OH- 
geji's  Rextentance,  in  which  he  is  made  to  bcw^ail,  in  the  most  extrav- 
agant manner,  his  having  sacrificed  to  idols.  See  Huet.  Origenian 
Lib.  i.  cap.  4,  ^  4,  and  Append,  ad  Lib.  iii.  §  8,  Cave's  Lives  of  the 
Fathers,  Art.  Origen,  &c.  Du  Pin's  Bibliotheca  Patrum,  Art.  Ori- 
gen, Note  n;  and  Mosheim.  Dc  Reb.  Christian.  Ante  Constant,  p.  676. 
The  Lamentation  of  Origen  may  be  found  in  Dr.  Hanmer's  English 
translation  of  Eusebius,  Socrates  and  Evagrius. 


iv.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  103 

former  his  assistant,  and  though  they  both  still  retained 
the  greatest  veneration,  and  the  warmest  affection  for 
him. 

At  Cesarea  he  was  again  appointed  to  expound  the 
scriptures  to  the  people;  and  the  bishops  of  Palestine, 
themselv^es,  often  sat  under  his  instructions,  as  though 
he  were  their  master.  This  city,  at  that  time  the  larg- 
est in  the  Holy  Land,  and  the  capital  of  one  of  its  di- 
visions, might  be  classed,  perhaps,  with  the  Roman 
cities  of  the  third  rank  in  Asia,  inferior  not  only  to  An- 
tioch,  the  queen  of  the  east,  but  also  to  Ephesus  and 
Smyrna.  It  rose  on  a  gentle  acclivity  from  the  shore 
of  the  Mediterranean,  about  mid-way  between  Joppa 
and  Ptolemais ;  and  its  white  marble  buildings,  its  mag- 
nificent amphitheatre,  and  higher  than  all  the  rest,  its 
splendid  heathen  temple,  met  the  vdew  of  the  distant 
voyager  as  he  coasted  along,  or  approached  the  har- 
bor™. Here,  Origen  opened  a  school,  somewhat  on 
the  plan  of  that  at  Alexandria,  for  the  study  of  literature 
and  religion  ;  and  his  fame  soon  drew  scholars  both  from 
the  adjacent  province,  and  from  remoter  regions.  From 
Cappadocia,  he  received  Firmihan,  who  afterwards  re- 
turned to  his  native  country  and  became  the  most  em- 
inent bishop  there.  Still  farther  to  the  north,  from 
Pontus  on  the  shore  of  the  Euxine,  came  Gregory 
Thaumaturgus  and  his  brother  Athenodorus. 

Meanwhile,  Origen  proceeded  with  his  Commentaries 
on  St.  John's  Gospel,  and  began   those    on  Isaiah   and 

m  Josephus  Antiq.  Book  xv.  chap.  9,  §  6,  and  Reland.  Falsest.  II- 
lustrat.  Lib.  Hi.  Art.  Cesarea.  Tlie  city  was  62  miles  N.  W.  of  Jeru- 
salem- 


104  THE  ANCIENT   HISTORY  [Chap. 

Ezekiel.  Thus  constantly  engaged  either  in  his  school, 
or  in  preaching,  or  writing,  he  seems  to  have  passed  about 
four  years  in  quiet,  till  A.  D.  235  ;  when  the  barbarous 
Maximin,  on  coming  to  the  throne,  instituted  a  persecu- 
tion against  the  more  distinguished  of  the  christians,  out 
of  a  fearful  suspicion  that  they  cherished,  with  too  grate- 
ful a  regard,  the  memory  of  his  murdered  predecessor. 
Among  others,  Protoctetus,  a  presbyter  of  Cesarea, 
and  the  generous  Ambrosius,  were  thrown  into  prison, 
and  tortured  with  various  cruelties.  To  them  Origen 
wrote  and  dedicated  his  book  On  Martyrdom  ;  but  con- 
cealed himself,  the  meanwhile,  in  a  private  family  in 
the  city,  and  some  time  afterwards,  retired  across  the 
seas  to  Athens.  Here  he  finished  his  Commentaries 
on  Ezekiel,  and  went  forward  with  those  upon  Canticles. 
From  this  place,  it  is  thought  he  made  a  \dsit  to  his 
friend  Ambrosius  ;  who  on  being  released  from  his  suf- 
ferings in  Palestine,  had  gone,  with  his  family,  to  the 
city  of  Nicomedia,  on  the  north  east  of  the  Propontis. 
Returning  at  length  to  Cesarea,  about  A.  D.  240,  his 
next  journey,  it  seems,  was  to  the  city  of  the  same 
name  in  Cappadocia,  the  metropolis  of  that  province, 
whither  his  former  scholar,  Firmilian,  now  elevated 
to  the  bishopric  there,  had  importuned  him  to  come, 
in  order  to  instruct  his  churches  in  the  knowledge  of  the 
scriptures.  About  A.  D.  243,  he  went  into  Arabia, 
on  the  request  of  a  Council  convened  against  Beryllus 
of  Bostra,  a  bishop  of  that  country,  who  differed  some- 
what from  the  popular  faith  concerning  the  trinity. 
With  him  Origen's  conversation  effected,  what  the  coun- 
cil had  been  unable  to  attain,  the  renunciation  of  his 


iv.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  105 

supposed  error ;  and  with  such  grace  was  this  accom- 
plished, that  Beryllus  became  the  lasting  and  ardent 
friend  of  his  victorious  opponent.  It  was  a  little  after  this, 
perhaps  the  next  year,  that  he  wrote,  at  the  solicitation 
of  Ambrosius,  his  books  Against  Celsus,  a  heathen 
philosopher  of  the  second  century,  who  had  hoped, 
by  a  labored  treatise,  to  overthrow  Christianity.  To 
this  learned  and  witty  enemy  of  the  Gospel,  Origen's 
work  is  generally  esteemed  a  candid  and  thorough  an- 
swer ;  though  some  of  the  more  judicious  and  impar- 
tial have  detected  in  it  a  few  instances  of  the  prevailing 
disingenuousness  and  sophistry  of  the  times.  He  was 
soon  called  again  into  Arabia,  by  another  council  of 
bishops,  in  order  to  reclaim  some  christians  there,  who 
held  that  the  soul  dies  with  the  body,  and  with  it  awakes 
to  consciousness  at  the  resurrection.  On  his  arrival, 
he  contended  so  successfully  against  the  obnoxious  sen- 
timent, that  its  advocates  changed  their  opinion,  and 
returned  to  the  cordial  fellowship  of  the  church.  This 
was  under. the  reign  of  Philip,  to  whom,  perhaps,  more 
properly  belongs  the  distinction,  commonly  allowed  to 
Constantine,  of  having  been,  though  secretly,  the  first 
christian  emperor.  Be  that  as  it  may,  Origen  appears 
to  have  been  honored  with  his  correspondence,  and 
with  that  of  the  empress. 

c^.r  IX.  Notwithstandins;  the  multiplicity  of 

A.  D.  24o,       .  .  .  ^  ,  .      .       . 

his  pursuits,  the  variety  of  his  situations, 

^  ^  '^'        and   the  changes  of  his  fortune,  he  seems 

never  to  have  neglected  the  Hexapla  or  Octapla'',  that 

n  It  was  called  Tetrapla,  Hexapla,  or   Octapla,  according-  as  the  copy 
contained  three,  six,  or  all  of  the  columns. 


106  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

great  work,  which  alone  would  have  immortalized  his 
name.  At  what  time  it  was  completed  is  unknown ; 
probably,  however,  not  far  from  this  period.  In  its  en- 
tire state,  it  consisted  of  the  Hebrew  text  of  the  Old 
Testament,  placed  in  the  first  column;  the  same,  but 
written  in  Greek  letters,  in  the  second  ;  the  transla- 
tion of  Aquila,  in  the  third ;  that  of  Symmachus,  in 
tire  fourth  ;  the  Septuagint  in  the  fifth  ;  the  version  of 
Theodotion  in  the  sixth  ;  two  other  versions  of  the 
prophets,  in  the  seventh  and  eighth ;  together  with  a 
translation  only  of  the  Psalms.  Wherever  he  found 
the  Septuagint  to  depart  from  the  Hebrew  text,  he 
affixed  different  marks  to  denote  what  was  omitted, 
or  what  was  added  ;  and  by  the  same  means  he  dis- 
tinguished the  various  readings  of  the  Original  itself, 
according  to  the  countenance  each  one  received  from 
the  several  translations.  This  is  supposed  to  have 
been  the  first  attempt  at  a  Polyglott,  or  critical  com- 
pilation of  the  scriptures  in  different  languages  ;  and 
in  the  great  uncial  letters  of  ancient  manuscripts,  it 
must  have  swelled  to  an  enormous  bulk,  amount- 
ing, as  Montfaucon  thinks,  to  at  least  fifty  volumes  of  a 
very  large  size.  Mosheim  says,  that  "  though  almost 
"  entirely  destroyed  by  the  waste  of  time,  it  will  even 
"  in  its  fragments,  remain  an  eternal  monument  of  the 
"  incredible  application  with  which  that  great  man  la- 
"  bored  to  remove  those  obstacles  which  retarded  the 
"  progress  of  the  gospel." 

But  neither  the  services  he  had  rendered  the  church, 
nor  the  veneration  with  which  his  name  was  generally 
regarded  throughout  the  East,  could  stifle  a  strong  disaf- 


iv.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  107 

fection  in  many  christians  of  that  day,  towards  some  of 
his  extravagances.  We  may  perceive,  in  his  later 
writings,  allusions  to  the  complaints  of  such  as  repre- 
hended his  perpetual  use  of  heathen  philosophy,  and  of 
those  who  animadverted  on  his  allegorical  system  of  in- 
terpreting the  scriptures.  And  we  occasionally  discov- 
er that  he  felt  and  lamented,  what  is  the  common  mis- 
fortune of  greatness,  that  the  unbounded  praises  lavish- 
ed upon  him  by  his  personal  admirers,  had  awakened, 
in  others,  a  spirit  of  envy  and  abuse.  An  invidious 
hostility,  once  excited,  could  never  be  at  a  loss,  amidst 
the  prodigious  number  of  his  writings,  to  select  some 
wild  notions,  many  unguarded  expressions,  which  would 
seemingly  justify  the  clamors  of  passion,  and  the  cold 
discountenance  of  more  prudent  mahgnity;  and  it  is 
said  that  Origen  at  length  judged  it  expedient  to  write 
a  letter  to  Fabian,  the  bishop  of  Rome,  in  vindication 
of  his  impeached  orthodoxy^. 

o  Eusebius  (Hist.  Eccl.  Lib.  vi.  cap.  36.)  barely  mentions  that  Origen 
wrote  a  letter  to  Fabian  concerning  his  own  orthodoxy  ;  but  Jerome, 
who  is  not  the  best  authority,  says,  (Hieron.  Epist.  xli.  vel  65,  ad 
Pammach.  p.  347.)  that  Origen  therein  lamented  that  he  had  writ- 
ten those  things  for  which  he  had  been  censured,  and  that  he  also 
cast  upon  Ambrosius  the  blame  of  having  circulated  those  writings 
which  contained  them,  and  which  he  Iiimself  had  intended  only  for 
private  use.  How  much  of  this  improbable  account  is  true,  cannot 
be  determined,  as  the  letter  is  lost.  It  is  natural,  here,  to  ask. 
Was  Ujiiversa/isni  one  of  those,  tenets  uhicli  then  gave  offence  1  But 
to  this  interesting  question  no  certain  answer  is  to  be  found.  Cir- 
cumstances, however,  would  lead  us  to  hazard  an  answer  in  the  neg- 
ative :  1,  Origen  continued  to  advocate  that  doctrine  even  in  his 
latest  publications,  (See  note  s.  to  §  xi.  of  this  chapter,)  without  an 
intimation  that  it  was  censured ;  2,  in  all  the  succeeding  controver- 
sies concerning  his  orthodoxy,  which  began  to  rage  in  about  forty 
years  after  his  death,  we  never  find  that  doctrine  invoh.iu.  iili  after 
the  contention  had  lasted  a  century  ;  (See  chapters  vi.  and  vii.)  and  it 
is  not  likely  that  a  doctrine  of  so  much  consequence,  had  it  once  been 


lOS  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Cha.p 

Though  now  above  sixty  years  of  age,  (A.  D.  24G,) 
he  appears  to  have  subjected  himself  to  as  great  exertions 
as  at  any  former  period  ;  proceeding  in  the  composi- 
tion of  some  large  works,  and  at  the  same  time  de- 
livering daily  lectures  to  the  people  of  Cesarea.  These, 
though  extemporaneous  and  unprepared,  were  never- 
theless so  highly  esteemed,  that,  with  his  consent,  tran- 
scribers w^ere  now  employed,  for  the  first  time,  to  take 
them  down  as  they  were  delivered,  and  then  to  pub- 
lish them  under  the  title  of  Homilies.  At  length  his 
Commentaries  on  St.  Matthew's  Gospel,  those  on  the 
twelve  minor  Prophets,  and  on  the  Epistle  to  the  Ro- 
mans, were  finished  in  succession,  having  employed 
him  till  near  the  year  250.     At  this  date  the  terrible 

pointed  out  as  a  subject  of  complaint,  would  have  been  forgotten,  as 
such,  both  by  his  adversaries  and  his  apologists. 

It  does,  indeed,  appear,  from  an  expression  in  his  Letter  to  his 
Alexandrian  friends,  as  explained  by  Jerome,  that  a  Velentinian  her- 
etic encfeavored  to  stigmatize  him  with  holding  the  salvation  of  the 
devil.  But  we  have  only  a  part  of  the  Letter,  and  that  only  in  the 
translations  of  Rufinus  (De  Adulterat.  Librorum  Origen.)  and  of  Jer- 
ome (Apolog.  adversus  Rutin.  Lib.  ii.  pp.  413,  415) :  both  of  whom 
are  well  known  to  have  taken  considerable  freedom  with  Origen's 
language.  There  is  some  difference  in  their  versions  of  this  passage  ; 
but  much  more  in  the  light  in  which  they  leave  the  subject.  Accord- 
ing to  the  former,  Origen  incidentally  observes  that  his  enemies  ac- 
cused himof  asserting  the  salvation  of  the  devil,  '"which,"  adds  he, 
"no  one  can  assert,  unless  transported,  or  manifestly  insane."  Ac- 
cording to  Jerome,  who  corrects  the  misrepresentations  of  Rufinus, 
Origen  barely  alludes  to  the  cavils  of  a  certain  Valentinian  concern- 
ing the  salvation  of  the  devil ;  '•  which,"  continues  he,  ''  none  could 
avow,  unless  insane."  What  is  unaccountable  in  these  two  transla- 
tions, is,  not  their  difference,  but  the  point  in  which  they  agree,  viz. 
that  they  both  makcO  rigen  pronounce  the  salvation  of  the  devil  a  tenet 
which  none  could  assert,  unless  insane  ;  when  he  himself  had  assert- 
ed and  illustrated  it  (De  Principiis  Lib.  i.  cap.  G,  and  Lib.  iii.  cap.  G, 
^  5,)  and  continued  to  do  so  in  his  latest  works  (Tom.  xiii.  in  Matt, 
and  Homil.  in  Josh.)  -As  neither  Rufinus  nor  Jerome  had  this  sen- 
tence particularly  in  view,  we  may  suspect  th.'it  they  have  given  it  a 
false  construction. 


iv.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  1Q9 

persecution  under  the  emperor  Decius  broke  out ;  and 
Origen  was  seized  at  the  city  of  Tyre,  cast  into  pris- 
on, and  loaded  with  irons.  Here  he  suffered  the  most 
excruciating  torments  :  his  feet  were  kept  in  the  stocks, 
distended  to  the  utmost  extremity,  for  several  days ; 
he  w^as  then  threatened  with  being  burned  alive ;  and 
when  it  appeared  that  threats  could  not  shake  his  con- 
stancy, he  was  racked  with  several  kinds  of  torture. 
At  length  his  executioners,  tired  with  the  infliction  of 
unavailing  cruelties,  or  more  probably  prevented  by  the 
death  of  Decius,  (A.  D.  251,)  suffered  him  to  escape 
alive.  After  this  he  held  several  conferences,  and 
wrote  many  letters,  in  all  which  he  evinced  a  soul  wor- 
thy of  the  life  he  had  led.  He  died  at  Tyre  about 
A.  D.  253,  in  the  sixty-sixth  or  sixty-seventh  year  of 
his  age ;  and  a  splendid  tomb,  erected  in  that  city,  de- 
clared to  future  times  the  grateful  veneration  which  the 
church  paid  to  his  memory  p. 

X.  Nothing  but  a  frame  hke  iron  could  so  long  have 
held  out  under  his  rigid  privations  and  unremitted  la- 
bors. Employed,  for  the  most  of  his  life,  in  the  nu- 
merous duties  of  a  public  and  daily  instructer,  he  still 
found  time  to  perfect  himself  in  the  whole  circle  of  hu- 
man knowledge,  such  as  it  then  was,  and   after   all,  to 

p  For  the  Life  of  Origen,  I  have  had  recourse  to  the  moderns,  in- 
stead of  attempting  to  collect,  arrange  and  illustrate  the  original  ac- 
counts scattered  through  Eusebius  and  other  ancient  writers.  See 
Huetii  Origeniana,  inter  Origenis  Opera;  Cave's  Lives  of  the  Fa- 
thers; Du  Pin's  Bibliotheca  Patrum;  Lardner's  Credibility  of  the 
Gospel  History ;  and  Delarue's  Notes  and  prefatory  Remarks, 
(Edit.  Origenis  Operum  Delarue,)  and  Mosheim's  Criticisms  (De  Re- 
bus Christian.  Ante  Constantinum.)  These  authors,  though  they 
agree  in  every  thing  important,  differ  somewhat  in  dates  and  in  the 
order  of  events. 

10 


110  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

become  one  of  the  most  voluminous  '^  writers  that  ever 
Uved.  The  wonder,  with  which  the  ancients  regarded 
his  various  achievements,  was  but  natural ;  and  it  was 
with  some  propriety  that  they  surnamed  him  Adaman- 
tius,  to  intimate,  it  would  seem,  the  invincible  strength 
of  a  constitution  that  sustained  toils  which  would  have 
worn  out  several  ordinary  lives.  With  regard  to  his 
native  talents,  there  is  a  striking,  though  not  singula}^ 
contrariety  in  his  character  :  Endued  with  a  perception 
the  very  quickest,  and  with  a  memory  the  most  reten- 
tive, but  deficient  in  the  more  substantial  gifts  of  cool 
judgment  and  good  sense,  he  appears,  by  turns,  the 
brightest  of  geniuses,  and  the  wildest  of  visionaries.  .As 
a  moral  and  religious  man,  however,  his  character  is 
consistent,  and  his  reputation  without  a  blot :  both  his 
friends  and  his  enemies  agree  in  attributing  to  him  the 
most  illustrious  virtue,  ardent  piety,  and  the  purest  zeal. 
Austere,  but  not  morose,  he  never  spared  himself,  and 
amidst  all  the  abuse  he  suffered,  seldom  evinced  the 
least  severity  against  others.  Naturally  of  a  meek  and 
unassuming  temper,  he  endured,  unmoved,  the  admira- 
tion of  the  world,  with  no  apparent  vanity,  and  without 
that  more  treacherous  symptom  of  pride,  the  affectation 
of  humility.  As  a  writer,  his  style  is  simple,  clear  and 
fluent;  but  careless,  redundant,  and  often  incorrect. 
To  conclude  his  character  in  the  words  of  the  most 
learned   and  discriminating  of  ecclesiastical  historians, 

q  He  published,  some  say,  six  thousand  volumes,  many  of  which, 
however,  must,  of  course,  have  been  very  small.  The  remains  of 
this  astonishing  mass,  are  collected  in  four  volumes  folio,  besides  two 
additional  volumes  containing  the  fragments  of  the  Hexapla. 


iv.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  m 

he  was  "  a  man  of  vast  and  uncommon  abilities,  and  the 
"  greatest  kiminaiy  of  tlie  christian  world,  which  this 
"  age  exhibited  to  view.  Had  the  justness  of  his  judg- 
"  ment  been  equal  to  the  immensity  of  his  genius,  the 
"fervor  of  his  piety,  his  indefatigable  patience,  his  ex- 
"  tensive  erudition,  and  his  other  eminent  and  superior 
"  talents,  all  encomiums  must  have  fallen  short  of  his 
"  merit.  Yet  such  as  he  was,  his  virtues  and  his  labors 
"  deserve  the  admiration  of  all  ages;  and  his  name  will 
"  be  transmitted  with  honor  through  the  annals  of  time, 
"as  long  as  learning  and  genius  shall  be  esteemed  among 
"men^" 

XI.  We  have  as  yet  quoted  only  one  of  his  testimo- 
nies in  favor  of  Universalism.  It  was,  with  him,  a  fa- 
vorite topic  ;  and  he  introduced  it  not  only  in  his  earli- 
est, but  also  in  his  latest  publications,  in  his  popular 
discourses,  or  Homilies,  as  well  as  in  his  more  labored 
and  systematic  treatises  ^     Passing  over  his  books  Of 

r  Mosheim,  Eccl.  Hist.  Cent.  iii.  Part  2,  chap.  ii.  §  7.  ^  I  do 

not  attempt  to  point  out  all  the  passages  in  which  Origen  introduces 
this  doctrine  ;  but  however  imperfect,  the  following  table  of  referen- 
ces to  Delarue's  splendid  edition  of  his  works,  may  afford  some  no- 
tion of  its  frequent  occurrence,  and  assist  the  inquiries  of  such  as  wish 
to  consult  the  original.  The  dates  here  affixed  to  the  respective 
works,  are  those  assigned  by  the  learned  editor. 

De  Principiis,  A.  D.230.  Lib.  i.  cap.  vi.  and  vii.  §  5.  Lib.  ii.  cap.  i, 
2.  cap.  iii.  3,  5,  7.  cap.  v.  3.  cap.  x.  5,  6.  Lib.  iii.  cap.  v.  5,6,  7,  8. 
cap.  vi.  1,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  8,  9.  Lib-  iv.  cap.  21  and  22  and  25.— 
Homiliain  Lucam.  Perhaps  about  A.  D.  230-  Homil.  xiv. — Commenta- 
rioriim  in  Johannem  Tom.  i.  cap.  14.  About  A.  D.  230. — De  Oratione, 
After  A.  D.  231.  Cap.  v.  p.  205.  cap.  xxvii.  pp.  250,  251.  cap.  xxix. 
pp.  261  to  264. —  Comment,  in  Jolian.  Tom.  xix.  cap.  3.  About  A.  D. 
234- — Tract  xxxiv.  in  Johannem. — Commentarii  in  Matthceum.  About  a.d. 
245.  Tom.  x.  and  xiii.  and  xv. —  Tract,  xxiii.  and  xxx.  and  xxxiii.  in  Math- 
thccu7n. — Commenfarii  in  Epist.  ad  Romanos.  About  a.  d.  246.  Lib.  v.  cap. 
7.  Lib.  viii.  cap.  12. — Horhilicc.  Between  A.  D.  245  and  250.  Homil.  in  Li- 
viticum  vii.  cap.  2,  p.  222.  Homil.  viii.  cap.  4,  p.  230.  Homil.  in  Numeros 


112  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

Principles,  and  many  other  works,  in  which  this  doc- 
trine abounds,  we  shall  transcribe  only  a  passage  or  two 
from  one  of  his  last  productions,  which  is  still  extant 
in  the  original  Greek. 

Celsus,  the  heathen  philosopher,  had  accused  the 
christians  of  representing  God  in  the  character  of  a  mer- 
ciless tormentor,  descending,  at  the  end  of  the  world, 
armed  with  fire.  To  this  charge  Origen  replied,  that 
"  since  the  scoffing  Celsus  thus  compels  us  to  go  into  sub- 
ejects  of  a  profounder  nature,  we  shall  first  say  a  few 
"  things,  enough  to  give  the  readers  a  notion  of  our  de- 
"  fence  on  this  point,  and  then  proceed  to  tlie  rest. 
"  The  sacred  scripture  does,  indeed,  call  our  God  a 
"  consuming  fire,  (Deut.  iv.  24,)  and  says  that  rivers  of 
^^  fire  go  before  his  face,  (Dan.  vii.  10,)  and  that  Ae  6'Art// 
"  come  as  a  refiner'' s  fire  and  as  fuller'' s  soap,  and  purify 
^Hlie  people.  (Mai.  iii.  2.)  As,  therefore,  God  is  a  con- 
"  suming  fire,  what  is  it  that  is  to  be  consumed  by  him  ? 
"  We  say  it  is  wickedness,  and  whatever  proceeds  from 
*'  it,  such  as  is  figuratively  called  wood,  hay  and  stub- 
"  ble.  These  are  what  God,  in  the  character  of  fire, 
"  consumes.  And  as  it  is  evidently  the  wicked  works  of 
"  man  which  are  denoted  by  the  terms  wood,  hay,  and 
"  stubble,  it  is,  consequently,  easy  to  understand  what  is 
"  the  nature  of  that  fire  by  which  they  are  to  be  consum- 


vi.  cap.  4.  Homil.  xi.  cap.  5.  Homil.  xxvi.  cap.  4,  &c.  Homil.  in  i  Lib. 
Reenni  ii.  cap.  28,  pp.  494  to  498.  Homil.  in  Lib.  Jesu  Nave  viii.  cap.  4. 
p.  416.  Homil.  in  Jeremiam  ii.  cap.  2  and  3.  pp.  138,  139.  Homil. xvi.  cap. 
5  and  6,  pp.  232,  233.  Homil.  in  Ezekielem  iv.  and  v.  and  x.— Contra  Cel- 
sum.  About  A.  D.  248  or  249.  Lib.  iv.  cap.  10,  p.  507.  cap.  13,  p.  509.  cap. 
28,  p.  521.  Lib.  V.  cap.  21,  p.  594.  cap.  15  and  16,  pp.  588,  589.  Lib.  viii. 
cap.  72.  pp.  795,  796. 


iv.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  113 

"  ed.  Says  the  apostle,  the  fire  shall  try  every  man's 
"  work  of  what  sort  it  is.  If  any  oneh  work  abide,  which 
"Ae  hath  built,  he  shall  receive  a  reward.  If  any 
^^one^s  work  be  burned,  he  shall  suffer  loss.  (1  Cor. 
«'iii.  13 — 15.)  What  else  is  here  meant  by  the  work 
"  which  is  to  be  burned,  than  whatever  arises  from  ini- 
"  quity  ?  Our  God  is,  accordingly,  a  consuming  fire,  in 
"  the'  sense  I  have  mentioned.  He  shall  come  also  as  a 
"  refiner^sfire,  to  purify  rational  nature  from  the  alloy 
"  of  wickedness,  and  from  other  impure  matter  which 
"  has  adulterated,  if  I  may  so  say,  the  intellectual  gold 
"and  silver.  Rivers  of  fire  are,  likewise,  said  to  go  forth 
"  before  the  face  of  God,  for  the  piu'pose  of  consuming 
"whatever  of  evil  is  admixed  in  all  the  soul*." 

Again  :  Celsus  had  treated,  as  very  extravagant,  the 
expectation  of  christians  that  all  the  nations  of  the  earth 
should  at  length  agree  in  one  system  of  belief  and  prac- 
tice. On  this,  Origen  observed,  "  it  is  here  necessary 
*'  to  prove  that  all  rational  beings,  not  only  may, 
"  but  actually  shall,  unite  in  one  law.  The  Stoics  say 
"  that  when  the  most  powerful  of  the  elements  shall 
"  prevail,  then  will  come  the  universal  conflagration, 
•'  and  all  things  be  converted  into  fire  ;  but  we  assert 
"  that  the  Word,  who  is  the  wisdom  of  God,  shall 
"  bring  together  all  intelligent  creatures,  and  convert 
"  them  into  his  own  perfection,  through  the  instrumen- 
"  tality  of  their  free  will  and  of  their  exertions.  For 
"  though  among  the  disorders  of  the  body  there  are, 
"  indeed,  some  which  the  medical  art  cannot  heal,  yet 

t  Contra  Celsum  Lib.  iv.  cap.  13,  p.  509- 
10* 


114  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap, 

"  we  deny  that  of  all  the  vices  of  the  soul,  there  is   any 
"  which  the  supreme  Word  cannot  cure.     For  the  Word 
"  is  more  powerful  than   all  the   diseases  of  the   soul  ; 
"  and  he  applies  his  remedies  to  each  one,  according 
"  to  the  pleasure  of  God.     And  the  consummation  of  all 
"  things  will  be  the   extinction   of  sin  ;    but  whether  it 
"  shall  then  be  so  abolished  as  never  to  revive  again  in 
"  the  universe,  does  not  belong  to  the  present  discourse 
"  to  show.     What  relates,  however,  to  the   entire  abo- 
"  lition  of  sin  and   the  reformation  of  every  soul,  may 
"  be  obscurely  traced  in  many  of  the   prophecies  ;    for 
"  there  we  discover  that  the  name  of  God  is  to  be  in- 
"  voked  by  all,  so  that  all  shall  serve  him  with  one  con- 
"  sent ;  that  the  reproach  of  contumely  is  to  be  taken 
"  away,  and  that  there  is  to  be  no   more   sin,  nor  vain 
"  words,   nor  treacherous  tongue.     This  may  not,  in- 
"  deed,  take  place  with   mankind   in  the  present  hfe, 
"  but  be  accomplished  after  they  shall  have  been  liber- 
"  ated  from  the  body''." 

XII.  In  all  his  works,  Origen  fi-eely  uses  the  ex- 
pressions everlasting  fire,  everlasting  punishment,  ^-c. 
without  any  explanation,  such  as  our  modern  preposses- 
sions would  render  necessary,  to  prevent  a  misunder- 
standing. It  should  also  be  particularly  remarked,  that 
among  the  numerous  passages  in  which  he  advances 
Universalism,  there  is  not  an  instance  of  his  treating  it 
in  the  way  of  controversy  with  the  orthodox  ;  and  that, 
on  the  other  hand,  they  themselves  did  not,  so  far  as 
we  can  discover,  censure  nor  oppose  it.  Sometimes 
he  avails  himself  of  its  peculiar  principles  to  vindicate 

u   Contra  Celsum  Lib.   viii.  cap.  72.  pp.  795,  79G. 


iv.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  1  ]  5 

Christianity  from  the  reproaches  or  witticisms  of  the 
heathens,  and  to  maintain  the  benevolence  of  the  one 
God  against  the  objections  of  the  Gnostics.  Sometimes, 
again,  he  states  and  defines  it,  in  a  formal  and  labored 
manner;  but  in  most  cases  he  introduces  it  incidentally, 
either  as  the  natural  result  of  some  well-known  chris- 
tian principle,  or  as  the  positive  doctrine  of  particular 
scriptures'". 

^'  I  subjoin  the  principal  texts  that  he  adduced  in  favor  of  Uni- 
versalisra.  Those  from  the  Old  Testament  are  translated  accord- 
ing to  the  Septuagint  version,  which  Origen,  like  all  the  an- 
cient fathers,  followed. 

Ps.  xxxi.  19.  Hov/ great  is  the  multitude  of  thy  favors,  Lord, 
which  thou  hast  laid  up  in  secret  for  those  who  shall  fear  thee  ! — 
Ps.  Ixxviii.  30 — 35.  Even  vrhile  their  meat  was  yet  in  their  mouth 
the  anger  of  God  came  up  against  them,  and  slew  them  in  their 
fatness,  and  crippled  the  chosen  ones  of  Israel.  In  all  this  they 
still  sinned,  and  believed  not  his  wondrous  works  :  therefore  their 
days  passed  away  in  vanity,  and  their  years,  with  speed.  But 
when  he  had  slain  them,  then  they  sov ght  him,  and  returned,  and  came 
quicJihj  to  God  ;  and  they  rcmcvihcrcd  that  God  teas  their  helper, 
and  that  God  the  Most  High  teas  their  redeemer — Ps.  ex.  1,2.  The 
Lord  said  unto  my  Lord,  Sit  thou  at  my  right  hand,  till  I  make 
thine  enemies  thy  footstool.  Out  of  Zion  the  Lord  will  send 
thee  a  rod  of  power ;  rule  thou  in  the  midst  of  thine  enemies. 
— Isa.  iv.  4.  For  the  Lord  shall  wash  away  the  filth  of  the  sons 
and  of  the  daughters  of  Zion,  and  cleanse  the  blood  from  the  midst 
of  them  by  the  spirit  of  judgment  and  by  the  spirit  of  burning. — 
Isa.  xii.  l.*2.  And  in  that  day  thou  wilt  say,  I  bless  thee,  O  Lord; 
for  though  thou  v.-ast  angry  with  me,  thou  hast  turned  away 
thy  fury  and  pitied  mo.  Behold,  God  is  my  saviour  ;  I  will  trust 
in  him  and  not  be  afraid  ;  because  the  Lord  is  my  glory  and  my 
praise,  and  hath  saved  nie. — Isa.  xxiv.  And  the  Lord  shall  bring 
his  hand  upon  the  host  of  heaven,  even  upon  the  kings  of  this 
land  ;  and  they  shall  gather  the  congregation  thereof  to  the  prison, 
and  shall  shut  them  up  in  the  strong  hold.  Their  visitation  shall 
be  for  many  generations.  But  the  Trick  shall  melt,  and  the  icall 
shall  full ;  because  the  Lord  shall  reign  from  Zion  and  from  Jeru- 
salem, and  be  glorified  in  the  presence  of  the  elders. — Isa.  xlviL 
14.  Behold,  they  shall  all  be  burned  in  the  fire,  as  stubble,  and  they 
shall  not  deliver  their  soul  from  the  flame.  Thou  hast  coals  of  fire  ; 
sit  upoii  thejn ;  they  will  be  a  help  to  thct — Ezek.  xvi.  53 — 55.  And  I  will 
restore  their  apostacies,  even  the  apostacy  of  Sodom  and  of  hec 
daughters;  and  I  will  restore  the  apostacy  of  Samaria  and  of  her 


115  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

Ill  two  places,  however,  he  represents  the  Salvation 
of  All  Men  as  one  of  the  christian  mysteries,  which 
should  not  be  too  freely  divulged.  But  we  must  add, 
that  in  this,  he  only  followed  a  rule  w4iich  the  ortho- 
daughters  ;  and  I  will  restore  thine  apostacy  in  the  midst  of  them, 
that  thou  mayest  bear  thy  punishment,  and  be  put  to  shame  for  all 
thou  hast  done  to  provoke  me  to  anger.  And  thy  sister  Sodom  and 
her  daughters  shall  be  restored  as  at  the  beginning;  and  thou  and 
thy  daughters  shall  be  restored  to  your  former  state. — Hosea  xiv, 
3^*4.  We  will  no  more  say  to  the  work  of  our  own  hands,  Ye  are 
our  Gods.  He  who  is  in  thee  shall  have  mercy  on  the  fatherless. 
I  will  heal  their  habitations  ;  I  will  lore  them  openly  ;  for  he  hath  turned 
aivay  my  icrath  from  himself. — Mieah  vii.  8,9.  Exult  not  over  me,  O 
mine  enemy;  though  I  have  fallen,  I  shall  rise,  though  I  should  sit 
in  darkness,  the  Lord  will  give  me  light.  I  will  sustain  the  anger 
of  the  Lord,  until  he  justify  my  cause,  for  I  have  sinned  against 
him.  He  will  do  me  justice,  and  bring  me  into  light,  and  I  shall 
behold  his  righteousness. — Malachi  iii.  '2, 3.  Who  shall  abide  the 
day  of  his  coming.?  or  who  shall  be  able  to  endure  his  appearance.'' 
For  he  cometh  as  the  fire  of  arefiner's  furnace,  and  as  the  soap  of  the 
fullers.  He  shall  sit  as  a  refiner  and  purifier  of  silver  and  of  gold  ; 
and  he  shall  purify  the  sons  of  Levi,  and  melt  them  as  gold  and 
silver.  Then  shall  they  present  to  the  Lord  an  ofixn-ing  in  righteous- 
ness.— INIatt.  V.  26.  Verily  I  say  unto  thee,  thou  shalt  by  no  means 
come  out  thence  till  thou  hast  paid  the  uttermost  farthing. — Matt, 
xviii.  12,  13.  {Parable  of  the  Lost  Sheep.] — John  x.  16.  And  other 
sheep  I  have,  which  are  not  of  this  fold  :  them  also  I  must  bring,  and 
they  shall  hear  my  voice  ;  and  there  shall  be  one  fold  and  one  shep- 
herd.— Rom  viii.  20 — 23.  For  the  creature  was  made  subject  to  van- 
ity, not  willingly,  but  by  reason  of  him  who  li«th  subjected  the  same 
ill  hope  ;  because  the  creature  itself  also  shall  be  delivered  from  the 
bondage  of  corruption,  into  the  glorious  liberty  of  the  children  of 
God.  For  we  know  that  the  whole  creation  groaneth  and  travaileth 
in  pain  together  until  now  ;  and  not  only  they,  but  ourselves  also, 
which  have  the  first  fruits  of  the  spirit,  even  we  ourselves  groan 
within  ourselves,  waiting  for  the  adoption,  to  wit,  the  redemption  of 
our  body. — Rom.  xi.  25,26.  Fori  would  not, brethren,  thatj-e  should 
be  ignorant  of  this  mystery,  (lest  ye  should  be  wise  in  your  own  con- 
ceits) that  blindness  in  part  is  happened  to  Israel,  until  the  fulness  of 
the  Gentiles  be  come  in;  and  so  all  Israel  shall  be  saved. — Verse 
32.  For  God  hath  concluded  them  all  in  unbelief,  that  he  might  have 
mercy  upon  all. — 1  Cor.  iii.  13 — 15.  Every  man's  work  shall  be 
made  manifest ;  for  the  day  shall  declare  it,  because  it  shall  be  re- 
vealed by  fire  ;  and  the  fire  shall  try  every  man's  work,  of  what  sort 
it  is.  If  any  man's  work  abide  which  he  hath  built  thereupon,  he  shall 
receive  a  reward.  If  any  man's  work  shall  be  burned,  he  shall  suf- 
fer loss;  but  he  himself  shall  be  saved,  yet  so  as  by  fire. — 1  Cor.  xv- 


iv.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  117 

dox  of  his  age  observed  widi  regard  to  several  points 
in  their  common  faith ;  as  they  used  much  caution  in 
avowing  some  of  their  tenets,  particularly  concerning 
Antichrist  and  the  near  approach  of  the  end  of  the 
world.  Even  the  form  of  their  creed,  and  the  rites 
of  the  Lord's  supper,  were  concealed,  under  the  name 
of  mysteries,  from  the  uninitiated'^.  Somewhat  in  such 
a  light,  Origen  appears  to  have  supposed,  the  doctrine 
of  Universalism  ought  to  be  regarded  :  Commenting 
on  that  text  in  Romans  (xi.  26,  27.)  where  St.  Paul 
denominates  the  salvation  of  al]  Israel,  and  of  the  Gen- 
tile world,  a  mystery^  he  takes  particular  notice  of  this 

24 — 28.  Then  cometh  the  end,  when  lie  shall  have  deliveredup  the 
kingdom  to  God,  even  the  Father  ;  when  he  shall  have  put  down  all 
rule,  and  all  authority,  and  power.  For  he  must  reign  till  he  hath 
put  all  enemies  under  his  feet.  Death,  the  last  enemy,  shall  be  de- 
stroyed. For  He  hath  put  all  things  under  his  feet.  But  when  he 
saith,  all  things  are  put  under  him,  it  is  manifest  that  he  is  excepted 
which  did  put  all  things  under  him.  And  when  all  things  shall  be 
subdued  unto  him,  then  shall  the  Son  also  iiimself  be  subject  unto  hina 
that  put  all  things  under  him,  that  God  may  be  all  in  all. — Verse  54. 
So  when  this  corruptible  shall  have  put  on  incorruption,  and  this  mor- 
tal shall  have  put  on  immortality,  then  shall  be  brought  to  pass  the  say- 
ing that  is  written,  Death  is  swallowed  up  in  victory. — Eph.  i.  9,  10. 
Having  made  known  unto  us  the  mystery  of  his  will,  according  to 
his  good  pleasure  which  he  hath  purposed  in  himself:  that  in  the 
dispensation  of  t!ie  fulness  of  times  he  might  gather  together  in  one 
all  things  in  Christ,  both  which  are  in  heaven,  and  which  arc  on  earth, 
even  in  him. — Eph.  ii.  7.  That  in  the  ages  to  come,  he  might  show 
tlie  exceeding  riches  of  his  grace  in  his  kindness  towards  us,  through 
Christ  Jesus. — Eph.  iv.  13.  Till  we  all  come  in  the  unity  of  the  faith 
and  of  the  knowledge  of  the  Son  of  God,  unto  a  perfect  man,  unto  the 
measure  of  the  stature  of  the  fulness  of  Christ. — 1  Tim.  iv.  10-  For 
therefore  we  both  labor  and  suffer  reproach,  because  we  trust  in  the 
living  God,  who  is  the  Saviour  of  all  men,  specially  of  those  that  be- 
lieve.— 1  Pet  iii.  19,20.  By  which,  also,  he  went  and  preached  unto 
the  spirits  in  prison,  which  sometime  were  disobedient,  when  once 
the  long-suffering  of  God  waited  in  the  days  of  Noah,  &c. — 1  John 
ii.  1,  2.  If  any  man  sin,  we  have  an  Advocate  with  the  Father,  Jesus 
Christ,  the  righteous  :  and  he  is  the  propitiation  for  our  sins  ;  and 
not  for  ours  only,  but  also  for  the  sins  of  the  whole  world, 
vr  Mosheim.  de  Reb.  Christian,  ante  Constant,  pp.  304,  305. 


1 1  8  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

term,  and  then  says,  "  the  word  of  the  gospel  in  the 
"  present  Hfe,  purifies  the  saints,  whether  Israehtes  or 
"  Gentiles,  according  to  that  expression  of  our  Lord, 
"  now  ye  are  clean  through  the  word  I  have  spoken 
'^'unto  you.  (John  xv.  3.)  But  he  who  shall  have 
"  spurned  the  cleansing  which  is  effected  by  the  Gos- 
"  pel  of  God,  will  reserve  himself  for  a  dreadful  and 
"  penal  course  of  purification  ;  for  the  fire  of  hell  shall, 
"by  its  torments,  purify  him  whom  neither  the  apos- 
"  tolic  doctrine  nor  the  evangelical  word  has  cleansed  : 
"as  it  is  written,  /  will  thoroughly  purify  you  with 
^^Jire.  (Isa.  i.  25.)  But  how  long,  or  for  how  many 
"  ages,  sinners  shall  be  tormented  in  this  course  of  pu- 
"  rification  which  is  effected  by  the  pain  of  fire,  he 
"  only  knows  to  whom  the  Father  hath  committed  all 
"judgment,  and  who  so  loved  his  creatures  that  for 
"  them  he  laid  aside  the  form  of  God,  took  tlie  form 
"  of  a  servant,  and  humbled  himself  unto  death,  that 
'  *  all  men  might  be  saved  and  come  to  the  knowledge 
"  of  the  truth. 

"  Nevertheless,  we  ought  always  to  remember,  that 
"  the  Apostle  would  have  the  text  now  under  consid- 
"  eration,  regarded  as  a  mystery ;  so  that  the  faithful 
"  and  thoroughly  instructed  should  conceal  its  mean- 
"  ing  among  themselves,  as  a  mystery  of  God,  nor  ob- 
"  trude  it  every  w^here  upon  the  imperfect  and  those 
"  of  less  capacity.  For  says  the  scripture,  it  is  good 
"  to  keep  close  the  mystery  of  the  king  (Tobit.  xii. 
"  7.)^."     Such  is  his  suggestion.     It  may  be  difficult 

X  Comment,  in  Epist.  ad  Rom.  Lib.  viii.  cap.  12.  The  other  pas- 
sage of  this  kind,  is  Contra  Cclsum  Lib.  v.  cap.  15. 


iv.]  OF  UNIVERSALISxU  ^9 

to  reconcile  it  with  the  incontrovertible  fact  that  he 
himself  was  in  the  habit  of  publishing  this  secret  doc- 
trine in  his  works,  and  of  proclaiming  it  in  his  ser- 
mons. Of  this  species  of  inconsistency,  however,  there 
are  remarkable  instances,  not  only  among  the  ancients, 
but  also  among  the  moderns  ;  who  sometimes  declare 
the  secret  will  of  God,  and  maintain  the  doctrine  of 
of  universal  decree,  w^iich  they  contend,  the  mean- 
while, should  be  rather  withheld  than  divulged. 


CHAPTER  V. 

[Origen's  Scholars  and  Cotemporaries.] 

I.  With  the  account  of  Origen  naturally  belongs  a 
view  of  the  extent  to  which  Universalism  prevailed  in 
his  time,  together  with  some  notice  of  the  more  eminent 
of  its  believers  among  his  cotemporaries.  But  here, 
the  clear  hght  of  history  forsakes  us.  In  the  destruc- 
tive lapse  of  ten  or  fifteen  centuries,  every  document, 
if  such  there  was,  which  might  have  pointed  out  the 
state  of  the  doctrine,  has  perished  ;  and  we  are  left  to 
the  uncertainty  of  conjecture,  guided  only  by  a  circum- 
stantial evidence,  scanty  and  perplexed. 

In  attempting  to  gather  some  general  opinion  out  of 
this  obscurity,  we  must  place  no  great  rehance  on  any 
supposed  effect  which  the  plain  testimonies  of  scripture 
ought  to  have  had  upon  the  common  belief  of  that 
time  ;  for  ecclesiastical  history  shows  that  in  every  age 
christians  have  taken  their  sentiments  from  other  sour- 
ces than  immediately  from  the  Bible.  Nor  must  we 
adopt  the  convenient  axiom  of  some  enthusiasts,  that 
every  essential  christian  truth,  or  what  we  deem  such, 
has  found  an  uninterrupted  succession  of  adherents, 
from  Christ  to  the  present  time ;  for  when  w^e  assume 
this  ground,  we  forsake,  at  once,  the  region  of  history, 
for  that  of  mere  hypothesis.  We  must,  in  the  present 
case,  judge  what  is  probable,  only  from  what  is  known  ; 


v.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  121 

and  remember,  the  meanwhile,  that,  after  all,  we  may- 
err  in  our  conclusions. 

It  certainly  is  not  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  great 
authority  of  Clemens  Alexandrinus,  and  the  vast  influ- 
ence of  Origen,  could  have  failed  to  secure  many  be- 
lievers in  all  their  prominent  tenets.  Were  we  to  take 
into  our  account  all  their  disciples,  patrons  and  admiring 
friends,  or  even  those  of  the  latter  alone,  we  should 
have  the  main  body  of  the  bishops  and  churches  through- 
out all  the  East.  Those  of  Arabia  regarded  him  as  the 
great  and  successful  champion  of  the  faith  ;  in  Palestine 
and  Phoenicia,  his  authority  in  doctrine  was  absolute ; 
in  Cappadocia,  his  instructions  were  eagerly  sought  and 
followed ;  and  in  the  remote  province  of  Pontus,  his 
scholars  stood  first  among  the  bishops ;  Greece  had 
long  esteemed  and  revered  him;  and  even  in  Egypt, 
notwithstanding  the  quarrel  of  Demetrius,  it  is  evident 
that  the  churclies,  together  with  the  presbyters  in  gen- 
eral, and  many  of  their  bishops,  were  warmly  attach- 
ed to  Origen.  But  to  reckon  all  these,  simply  on 
this  account,  as  UniversaUsts,  would  certainly  be  ex- 
travagant :  Many  of  his  advocates  probably  regarded 
him  only  for  his  astonishing  genius,  his  universal  er- 
udition, his  illustrious  virtue,  or  the  services  he  had  ren- 
dered the  church ;  some,  perhaps,  considered  him 
merely  as  a  persecuted  man,  and  overlooking  his  harm- 
less peculiarities,  felt  it  their  duty  to  defend  him  against 
injustice.  It  must  also  be  remarked,  that  as  his  Uni- 
versalism  was  not  made  a  matter  of  complaint,  we  can 
draw  but  little  evidence  of  an  agreement  in  that  par- 
ticular, from  mere   friendship   and  adherence  to  him ; 

11 


122  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

but  this  circumstance,  at  the  same  time,  leads  us  strong- 
ly to  suspect  that  a  doctrine  so  momentous  and  yet  un- 
impeached,  prevailed  among  his  adversaries  as  well  as 
among  his  followers. 

Without  attempting,  then,  the  impracticable  task  of 
exploring  the  real  extent  of  the  doctrine  at  this  period, 
I  shall  only  select  from  the  Eastern  or  Greek  churches, 
which  were  the  principal  sphere  of  Origen's  influence, 
some  eminent  individuals,  whose  intimacy  with  him, 
veneration  for  his  opinions,  and  peculiar  regard  for  his 
expositions  of  scripture,  can  hardly  be  taken  into  view 
without  producing  a  conviction  that  they  were  Univer- 
salists. 

II.  Among  these,  the  venerable  Alexander,  bishop 
of  Jerusalem,  holds  a  distinguished  place.  Somewhat 
older,  probably,  than  Origen,  he  had  already  studied 
with  Pantaenus,  w^hen  the  former  became  his  school- 
fellow under  Clemens  Alexandrinus.  In  this  situation, 
the  two  scholars  formed  a  friendship  which  was  to  en- 
dure through  hfe.  After  the  interruption  of  their  stud- 
ies by  the  persecution  under  Severus,  we  find  Alexan- 
der in  prison  at  Jerusalem,  in  A.  D.  205 ;  at  which 
time,  his  faithful  sufferings  were  cheered,  for  a  while, 
by  a  visit  from  his  late  master  Clemens,  whom  he  al- 
wa3^s  regarded  with  great  respect.  The  exact  period 
of  his  release  is  not  known  ;  but  within  a  few  years  he 
was  chosen  bishop  of  some  place  in  Cappadocia,  per- 
haps of  the  metropolis.  He  returned,  however  to  Je- 
rusalem, about  A.  D.  212;  and  on  his  arrival  was 
unanimously  elected  colleague  with  Narcissus,  the  su- 
perannuated bishop  of  this  city.     From  this  time,  we 


v.]  OF  UNIVERSALISxM.  123 

hear  nothing  of  him  till  Origen  visited  Palestine,  about 
A.  D.  216  ;  and  the  affectionate  deference  he  then 
paid  his  early  friend,  together  with  the  faithful  support 
he  afterwards  gave  him,  has  been  already  mentioned. 
He  and  Theoctistus  appear  to  have  taken  the  lead  in 
the  promotion  and  defence  of  their  illustrious  guest ; 
and  regarding  him  as  their  own  master,  they  resigned 
to  him,  in  their  respective  churches,  the  authority  of 
pubHcly  expounding  the  scriptures,  and  instructing  the 
people  in  rehgion. 

To  Alexander  belongs  the  honor  of  having  establish- 
ed, at  Jerusalem,  the  first  ecclesiastical  library  of  which 
there  is  any  account.  Though  a  bishop  of  some  em- 
inence, he  seems  to  have  WTitten  nothing,  himself,  ex- 
cept common-place  letters ;  a  few  sentences  only  of 
which  are  extant.  In  the  general  persecution  under  De- 
cius,  he  was  arraigned  at  Cesarea,  and  again  cast  into 
prison,  where  he  soon  died,  A.  D.  250*. 

Of  Theoctistus.  w^e  have  only  to  add,  that  after  pre- 
siding with  reputation  for  many  years,  in  the  metropoli- 
tan bishopric  of  Cesarea  in  Palestine,  he  died  not  far 
from  A.  D.  260''.  It  does  not  appear  that  he  left  any 
writings  whatever. 

III.  Perhaps  we  ought  here  to  mention  Heraclas,  the 
successor  of  Demetrius,  in  the  bishopric  of  Alexandria. 
He  was  one  of  those  heathens  who  were  converted  to 
Christianity  in  the  year  203,  by  Origen's  instructions ; 

a  Cave's  Lives  of  the  Fathers,  Chap.  Clem.  Alexand.  §  4  and  5 ; 
and  Chap.  Origen,  §  22;  and  Chronol.  Table,  Ann.  212.  Also  Eu- 
seb.  Hist.  Eccl.  Lib.  vi.  cap.  14.  I  have  omitted;  in  this  account,  a 
vision  or  two.  b  Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  Lib.  vi.  cap.  46.  and  Lib. 

vii.  cap.  14. 


124  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

and  who  then  entered  the  great  Catechetical  School  un- 
der'his  care.  Heraclas  was  soon  called  to  witness  the 
sacrifice  of  his  own  brother,  a  fellows-convert  and  disci- 
ple, among  the  early  martyrs  with  which  this  seminary 
was  honored.  Pursuing  his  studies,  he  seems  to  have 
become  the  favorite  of  his  master,  since  he  was  at 
length  selected  as  his  assistant  when  Origen  found  the 
increasing  duties  of  the  school  too  numerous  for  his  sole 
management.  On  the  flight  of  the  latter  from  Alexan- 
dria, in  A.  D.  231,  Heraclas  succeeded  him  in  the 
Presidency  ;  and  about  a  year  afterwards,  on  the  death 
of  Demetrius,  he  was  promoted  to  the  Alexandrian 
bishopric,  the  second  for  dignity  and  influence,  in  all 
Christendom.  Here  he  continued  to  govern  the  church- 
es till  his  death,  which  happened  in  A.  D.  247,  or  248  ; 
when  Dionysius  the  Great,  another  disciple  and  friend 
of  Origen,  succeeded  him. 

Heraclas  seems  to  have  been  of  a  quiet  and  philosoph- 
ic disposition.  He  had  the  reputation  of  extensive 
learning,  particularly  in  secular  literature,  for  which  he, 
perhaps,  entertained  a  decided  partiality ;  as  on  his  el- 
evation to  the  bishopric,  he  adopted,  and  ever  after- 
wards wore,  the  philosopher's  robe  as  his  distinguishing 
habit '^.     He  has  left  no  wrhings. 

IV.  Ambrosius,  the    convert,  patron,    and    familiar 
friend  of  Origen,  can  hardly  be  refused,  by  the  most 
skeptical,  a  place  among  the  believers  in  Universalism. 
It  was  at  his  request,  and  by  his  pecuniary  aid,  that  Ori- 
gen composed  several  of  those  works  in  which  that  doc- 

c  Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  Lib.  vi.  cap.  3, 15,  20,  26,  31,  35. 


v.]  OF  UNI  VERS  ALISM.  125 

trine  is  found.  So  zealous  was  he  to  perfect  himself  in 
the  whole  system  of  his  master,  that  daring  some  years 
in  which  they  were  almost  constantly  together,  he  suf- 
fered scarcely  a  leisure  moment  to  escape  without  addi- 
tional instruction  from  him  on  religion.  Their  meals 
and  their  walks,  their  morning  and  their  evening  hours, 
were  devoted  to  investigations  of  the  scriptures,  and  to 
the  solution  of  difficult  questions. 

Havdng  heretofore  given  most  of  the  history  of  Am- 
brosius,  I  may  now  only  add  the  miscellaneous  items, 
that  he  was  married,  and  had  a  large  family,  that  he 
was  ordained  deacon  in  the  church  of  Alexandria,  and 
that  he  died  before  Origen.  It  is  said  tliat  some  of  his 
Letters,  extant  in  Jerome's  time,  but  long  since  lost, 
except  a  short  fragment,  evinced  considerable  genius^. 

V.  Firmilian,  who,  after  returning  from  his  studies,  pre- 
sided with  celebrity  over  the  churches  of  Cappadocia,  en- 
tertained so  warm  an  affection  for  his  former  master,  and 
so  great  a  regard  for  his  doctrine,  that  he  made  several 
journies  into  Palestine,  in  order  to  enjoy  his  society, 
and  attend  his  instructions.  At  length  he  prevailed  up- 
on Origen  to  visit  Cappadocia,  in  turn,  and  to  gratify 
the  common  wish  of  the  churches  there,  by  imparting 
to  them  those  treasures  of  religious  knowledge  which  he 
himself  had  so  much  admired,  and  which  they  were 
so  desirous  to  obtain. 

Cesarea,  the  metropolis  of  Cappadocia,  stood  on  the 
northern  declivity,  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Argseus  ;  which, 

d  Cave's  Lives,  &c.  Chap.  Origen,  ^  10}  and  Historia  Literaria, 
cap.  Ambrosias.  Also  Du  Pin's  Bibliotheca  Patrum,  Art.  Ambrose 
and  Tryphon. 

11* 


126  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

rising  to  tlie  south  above  the  clouds,  looked  down  on 
the  whole  province,  and  from  its  summit  of  everlasting 
snow,  afforded  an  indistinct  view,  in  either  direction,  of 
the  remote  waters  of  the  Euxine  and  the  Mediterrane- 
an. In  this  great  city,  of  perhaps  four  hundred  thous- 
and inhabitants®,  Firmilian  was  chosen  bishop,  not  far 
from  A.  D.  234,  and  appointed  to  the  care  of  all  the 
churches  in  that  region.  He  soon  became  eminent  and 
considerably  known  throughout  Christendom,  by  his  ex- 
tensive correspondence,  and  the  active  part  he  took  in 
tlie  general  concerns  of  the  church.  On  the  famous 
question  which  began  to  be  agitated  about  A.  D.  253, 
concerning  the  validity  of  baptism  administered  by  here- 
tics, he,  like  the  churches  of  Asia  in  general,  maintained 
the  negative  ;  and  in  the  violent  contention  which  raged 
upon  that  point,  between  the  two  w^estern  bishops,  Ste- 
phen of  Rome,  and  Cyprian  of  Carthage,  he  accordingly 
sided  with  the  latter.  Soon  after  this,  at  the  numerous 
Synod  held  in  Antioch,  A.  D.  264,  against  the  unitari- 
an Paul  of  Samosata,  Firmilian  is  thought  to  have  pre- 
sided, and  to  have  prevented  his  condemnation,  being 
either  favorable  to  his  sentiment,  or  perhaps  deceived 
with  the  evasions  practised  by  the  accused.  As  the  mat- 
ter was  not  put  to  rest,  he  was  called  to  a  second 
council,  held  there  on  the  same  subject,  and  finally  to  a 
third  ;  in  going  to  which  he  died  on  the  w^ay,  at  the  city  of 
Tarsus,  A.  D.  2G9  or  270.  He  has  left  no  writings 
except  a  long  Letter  on  the  rebaptizing  of  heretics,  ad- 

e  D'Anville's  Ancient  Geography.     And  Rees'  Cyclopedia,  Art. 
Cesarea. 


v.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  127 

dressed  to  Cyprian,  In  this  we  discover  that  Firmil- 
ian  entertained  the  common  notion  of  tliat  period,  that 
baptism,  administered  by  proper  autliority,  conferred 
remission  of  sins  and  the  spiritual  new  birth ;  that  he 
held  the  prevailing  faith  respecting  the  mysterious 
tricks  of  demons,  and  their  ordinary  interference  with 
the  concerns  of  life  ;  and  that  the  good  man  was  cap- 
able of  sarcasm,  and  boisterous  invective,  wliich  he  pours 
out  profusely  against  Stephen  of  Rome.  The  subject 
does  not  lead  to  any  discovery  of  his  sentiments  con- 
cerning endless  punishment,  or  universal  salvation  ^, 

VI.  The  last,  whom  I  here  mention,  are  the  two 
brotliers,  Gregory  Thaumaturgus^  and  Athenodorus* 
Born  of  a  rich  and  noble  family  at  Neocesarea,  the 
capital  of  Pontus,  they  were  brought  up  in  a  manner 
suitable  to  their  birth  and  fortune,  and  instructed  in 
heathenism,  the  common  religion  of  the  place.  When 
Gregory  was  about  fourteen  years  old,  their  father  died, 
and  tlieir  mother,  assuming  the  care  of  their  education, 
placed  them  successively  under  different  masters,  with 
whom  they  studied  Rhetoric,  the  Latin  language,  and 
tlie  Roman  laws.  At  length  their  sister  removing  to 
Palestine,  the  Governor  of  which  had  appointed  her 
husband  one  of  his  assessors  or  counsellors,  the  broth- 
ers accompanied  her  as  far  as  Berytus  in  Phoenicia, 
where  was  a  celebrated  school  for  the  study  of  law. 
This  happened  about  the  time  of  Origen's  flight  from 

f  Firmiliani  Epistola  ad  Cyprianum,  is  the  Epist.  Ixxv.  inter  Cyp- 
riani  Opera,  Edit.  Baluzii.  For  his  life,  see  Cave's  Lives, &c.  Chap. 
Origen,  ^  16;  and  Hist.  Literaria,  cap.  Firmilianus.  Consult  also 
Lardner's  Credibility,  &c.  Chap.  Firniilian.  s  His   name  ori- 

ginally was  Theodorus. 


128  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

Egypt,  in  A.  D.  231  ;  and  the  youths,  eager  to  see  and 
converse  with  a  man  of  his  renown,  went  to  visit  him 
at  Cesarea.  Here  they  were  at  length  prevailed  upon 
by  his  entreaties,  to  apply  themselves  to  the  study  of 
philosophy,  the  introduction,  as  he  considered  it,  of  gen- 
uine religion  ;  and  when  they  had  made  sufficient  pro- 
gress, he  led  them  to  the  study  of  the  scriptures,  ex- 
plaining to  them,  as  they  proceeded,  the  obscure  and 
difficult  passages.  In  this  way,  he  trained  them  up  to 
a  systematical  knowledge  and  ardent  love  of  Christianity, 
which  they  had,  indeed  begun  to  regard  with  a  favora- 
ble eye  when  they  left  Pontus.  It  is  worthy  of  remark 
that  in  the  early  part  of  their  residence  in  Palestine, 
Frimilian  was  their  fellow  student,  with  whom  they  then 
formed  an  acquaintance,  which  the  future  circumstan- 
ces and  events  of  their  lives  must  have  cherished. 

Having  remained  with  Origen  about  five  years,  they 
were  recalled  to  their  native  country.  At  their  depart- 
ure, Gregory  pronounced  in  public  his  Panegyric  on 
Origen,  yet  extant,  in  which  he  la\ishes  the  most 
extravagant  praise  on  the  genius  and  doctrine  of  his 
master,  recounts  the  history  of  their  acquaintance  with 
each  other,  and  laments,  with  fulsome  declamation,  the 
necessity  that  tore  them  asunder.  On  the  return  of 
the  brothers  to  Neocesarea,  it  is  said  that  the  inhabit- 
ants entertained  so  high  an  expectation  of  Gregory's 
talents  and  acquirements,  that,  though  heathens,  they 
desired  him  to  reside  among  them  as  a  public  instructer 
of  philosophy  and  virtue.  He  soon  received,  also,  a 
letter  from  Origen,  commending  his  abilities,  and  urging 
him  to  prosecute  his  study  of  the  scriptures  and  of  the 


v.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  129 

christian  religion.  But  disliking  the  cares  of  a  pub- 
lic Hfe,  or  modestly  distrusting  his  quahfications,  he 
comphed  neither  with  the  request  of  the  citizens,  nor 
widi  the  evident  wishes  of  his  late  master,  and  withdrew 
to  some  obscure  retreat  in  order  to  lead  a  solitary  and 
contemplative  life.  A  certain  bishop  of  that  country, 
however,  pursued  him  w^ith  unwearied  sohcitations  to 
devote  himself  to  the  pubhc  service  of  Christianity ; 
and  overcoming  at  length  his  reluctance,  ordained  him 
about  A.  D.  240,  or  245. 

Neocesarea,  an  inland  place,  of  considerable  size,* 
on  the  river  Lycus,  had  scarcely  been  visited,  as  yet, 
by  the  light  of  the  gospel ;  but  when  the  popular  Greg- 
ory entered  on  his  ministry  there,  things  assumed  a 
new  appearance.  His  success  was  surprising.  A  large 
congregation  was  soon  gathered  ;  the  number  of  his 
converts  rapidly  increased ;  and  eventually  a  stately 
church,  or  christian  temple,  was  erected  :  the  first  of 
the  kind,  of  which  we  have  any  distinct  account  in 
ecclesiastical  history. 

In  the  general  persecution  of  A.  D.  250,  he  and 
his  people  fled  to  caves  and  deserts  for  safety  ;  but 
when  the  brief,  yet  violent,  tempest  subsided,  he  re- 
turned with  such  of  his  brethren  as  had  survived. 
About  ten  years  afterwards,  an  irruption  of  the   north- 

*  It  now  bears  the  name  of  Niksai"  and  stands  in  a  luxuriant  and  deligiitfuj 
valley.throug-h  which,  to  the  west  of  the  city,  flows  the  river,  called  Reiki 
Irmak,  from  south  to  north.  Around,  but  a\  some  distance,  rise  the  moun- 
tains, covered  with  forests  of  the  wildest  growth,  and  presenting-  the  most 
romantic  and  picturesqe  views.  It  is  thirty  miles  north  east  of  Tocat;  and 
is  placed  on  the  map  at  about  eighty  miles  from  the  shoi'e  of  the  Black  Sea. 
(Morier's  Journey  through  Persia,  Armenia,  and  Asia  Minor,  p.  p.  332 
334.  Philadelphia,  1816.) 


130  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

ern  barbarians  carried  universal  desolation  and  distress 
through  Pontus  and  other  Roman  provinces  ;  and  the 
heathen  inhabitants,  though  sufferers  in  common  with 
the  christian,  seem  to  have  taken  advantage  of  the  gen- 
eral confusion  which  ensued,  to  indulge  their  malice. 
As  many  of  the  believers  denied  their  faith  in  order 
to  save  their  lives,  and  as  others  committed  depreda- 
tions on  the  property  of  those  who  had  fled,  Gregory 
was  persuaded,  at  the  request  of  a  neighboring  bishop, 
to  address  them  with  a  Canonical  Epistle^  yet  extant, 
consisting  of  authoritative  rules  to  regulate  their  con- 
duct and  discipline  in  those  lawless  times.  In  A.  D. 
264,  he  and  Athenodorus,  who  also  was  an  influen- 
tial bishop  of  some  place  in  Pontus,  assisted  at  the 
Council  of  Antioch  against  Paul  of  Samosata.  Hav- 
ing returned  to  Neocesarea,  Gregory  soon  afterwards 
died  in  peace,  with  the  satisfaction  of  leaving  but  few 
heathens  in  the  city,  where,  at  the  beginning  of  his 
ministry,  Christianity  had  scarcely  an  advocate^'.  He 
was  reckoned  among  the  most  eminent  bishops  of  the 
time ;  but  his  reputation  unfortunately  increased  and 
grew  monstrous  after  his  death,  when  miracles  the  most 
ridiculous  and  incredible  were  attributed  to  him,  so  that 
his  name  went  down  to  posterity  with  the  significant 
appellation  of  Thaumaturgus,  or  Wonderworker.  Be- 
sides his  Panegyric  on  Origen  and  his  Canonical 
Epistle,  we  have  his  brief  Paraphrase  on  Ecclesiastes^ ; 

h  In  the  account  of  Gregory  Thaumaturgus  and  Athenodorus,  I  have 
generally  followed  Lardnor,  who  allows  but  little  credit  to  Gregory 
Nyssen's  legendary  tale.  Du  Pin,  also,  seems  to  have  discarded  it.  But 
Cave  and  some  others,  adopt  the  whole,  miracles  and  all,  with  vete- 
ran credulity.  i  Some  attribute  to  him  the  short  Creed,  relating 


v.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  23 j 

but  none  of  these  being  of  a  doctriDal  character,  they 
throw  no  hght  on  his  views  concerning  the  final  extent 
of  salvation,  or  the  nature  and  result  of  future  pun- 
ishment. An  ancient  writer^,  however,  intimates,  if  I 
mistake  him  not,  that  Gregory  Thaumaturgus  was  well 
known  to  have  held,  with  his  master,  the  doctrine  of 
Universal  Restoration. 

VII.  With  him  ends  our  select  catalogue  of  Origen's 
cotemporary  followers.  It  may  serve,  at  least,  to  point 
out  some  of  the  circumstances  which,  together  with  the 
general  diffusion  of  his  writings,  tended  to  spread  his 
sentiments  widely  through  the  East.  What  other  par- 
ticular causes"  operated  to  diffuse  or  cherish  Universal- 
ism  among  the  orthodox  of  this  period,  it  is  in  vain 
to  enquire  ;  but  we  have  no  reason  to  believe  that  it 
was  confined  exclusively  to  his  adherents. 

As  to  the  different  bodies  of  heretics,  it  is  probable 
that  among  the  Gnostics  the  doctrine  remained  much 
in  the  same  state  as  formerly  ;  and  among  those  of  other 
kinds,  it  may  have  found  some  believers  and  advocates^. 


solely  to  the  Trinity,  which  Gregory  Nyssen  says  was  brought  to 
him  from  heaven  by  St.  John  and  the  Virgin  Mary.  It  is  probable, 
however,  that  Gregory  Thaumaturgus  never  saw  it.  (See  Lardnsr's 
Credibility,  &c.  Chap.  Gregory  Thaumat.)  The  Brevis  Exposiiio  Fi- 
del, which  Cave,  in  his  Lives  of  the  Fathers,  had  ascribed  to  Grego- 
ry, is  allowed,  in  his  Hist.  Literaria,  to  be  supposititious;  in  which  ho 
agrees  with  Du  Pin,  Fabricius,  Tillemont  and  Lardner. 

.i  Rufinus  (Invect.  in  Hieronym.  Lib.  i.  pro/^e /new,  inter  Hierony- 
miOpp.Tom.  iv.  Part.  i.  p.  40(5,  Edit.  Martianay)  alludes  to  the  fact, 
as  notorious,  that  Gregory  Thaumaturgus  erred  with  Origen;  and  it  is 
of  Universalism   that  he  is  speaking.  k  The   author  of  the 

anonymous  book  called  Prcedestinatus,  attributed*by  some  to  Primas- 
ius  an  African  bishop  of  the  sixth  century,  but  considered,  by  oth- 
ers, of  uncertain  date  and  origin,  says  that  one  '•  Ampullianus,  a  he- 
"  retic  of  Bithynia,  avowed  the  following  error:  that  all  the  guilty,  to- 


132  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

VIII.  Turning  our  eyes,  for  a  moment,  from  the 
Greek  churches,  to  a  hasty  survey  of  the  Western  or 
Latin,  it  may  be  remarked  that  here  the  influence  of 
Origen,  as  well  as  of  the  other  Greek  fathers,  was  par- 
tial and  feeble,  on  account  of  the  difference  of  language, 
which  discouraged  intimacy,  and  gradually  promoted 
distinction  in  their  customs,  manners  and  feelings.  We 
perceive  no  certain*  traces  of  Universalism  among  them 

^'  gether  ivith  the  devil  and  the  demons,  loiLl  be  thoroughly  purified  in 
"  Gehenna,  or  hell,  and  come  out  thence  ivholhj  immaculate  ;  and  when  he 
"  had  raised  the  whole  church  against  himself,  on  this  account,  he 
^'-  corrupted  the  works  of  Origen,  especially  the  books  Of  Principles, 
'*  that  he  might  sanction  his  own  sentiments  by  their  authority." 
(Pra^destinat.  Lib.  i.  Hasres.  43,  inter  Simondi  Opera,  Tom.  i.)  When 
this  Ampullianus  lived,  he  does  not  inform  us  ;  nor  is  his  name  so 
much  as  mentioned  by  any  other  ancient  writer.  But  though  the 
account  of  his  having  inserted  the  alleged  error  in  Origen's  works,  is 
demonstrably  untrue,  and  universally  disregarded,  there  yet  may  be 
a  question  whether  there  was  not  a  heretic  of  that  name  in  Bithynia, 
sometime  during  this  century,  who  held  the  doctrine  of  Universal 
Restoration.  At  any  later  period  he  could  not  well  have  escaped  the 
notice  of  other  writers,  whose  works  are  extant;  and  indeed  it 
seems  difficult  to  account  for  their  profound  silence,  in  any  way 
whatever,  short  of  denying  the  whole  story.  INovatus,  oVashe 

is  often  called,  Novatian,  an  eminent  presbyter  of  Rome,  who  con- 
tested the  bishopric  of  the  church  there  with  Cornehus,  advanced 
something  like  Universalism  He  extolled  in  the  highest,  though  in 
general  terms,  the  unbounded  goodness  of  God  ;  (De  Regula  Fidei, 
cap.  ii.  j^irope  Jiwrn-.  Edit.  Jackson.  Lond.  1723j  pp."  2.3 — 25.)  and 
maintained  that  the  wrath,  indignation,  and  hatred  of  the  Lord,  so 
called,  are  not  such  passions  in  him  as  bear  the  same  name  in  man  ; 
but  that  they  are  operations  in  the  divine  mind  which  are  directed 
solely  to  our  purification.  (De  Regula  Fidei  cap.  iv.)  In  short  he  as- 
serted the  peculiar  principles  of  Universalism  ;  but  whether  he  pur- 
sued t'lem  out  to  their  necessary  I'esult,  does  not  appear. 

jVovatus  flourished  from  A.  D.  250,  onwards,  for  several  years. 
After  his  contest  for  the  bishopric,  in  which  he  was  once  elected, 
he  was  condemned  by  his  more  fortunate  rival,  and  excommunicated 
for  obstinately  refu^gto  admit  to  the  conmnmion  such  members  as 
had  once  fallen  from  their  purify  or  steadfastness,  however  penitent 
they  might  become  A  considerable  party  attached  itself  to  him, 
which  maintained  his  opinion  and  practice,  on  this  point,  till  the 
sevcntli  century,  and  which  was  therefore  occasionally  treated  as 
heretical,  and  at  other  times  merely  as  schismatical. 


v.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  ^33 

at  this  period.  Indeed,  the  materials  for  determining, 
with  precision,  their  sentiments  on  a  number  of  points, 
are  rather  scanty.  Though  they  had  several  bishops 
and  writers  of  temporary  renown,  there  was  but  one 
who  still  holds  any  distinguished  place  in  ecclesiastical 
history.  This  was  the  eloquent,  the  active  and  reso- 
lute Cyprian,  who  presided  in  the  bishopric  of  Car- 
thage, from  about  A.  D.  249,  till  his  martyrdom  in  the 

year  25S.     Formerly  a  heathen  professor 

A.  D.  249,     of  Rhetoric,  he  became,  on  his  conversion, 

to  258.       one  of  the  most  zealous  advocates  of  the 

christian  cause,  sold  his  large  estate  to  sup- 
ply himself  with  the  means  of  charity,  and  devoted  all 
his  time  and  all  his  powers  to  the  service  in  which  he 
had  so  late  engaged.  As  a  prelate,  he  must  always 
stand  distinguished  by  his  enterprizing  and  commanding 
talents  ;  and  as  a  writer,  he  evinces  considerable  ability, 
though  no  extraordinary  learning.  His  study,  however, 
was  not  doctrine,  but  discipline,  the  art  of  governing 
his  churches,  and  particularly  the  management  of  the 
ecclesiastical  concerns  in  times  of  great  perplexity  and 
danger.  For  this  difficult  task  he  was  qualified  by  a 
genius  of  ready  resource,  a  bold  decision,  and  a  vehe- 
mence approaching  to  enthusiasm,  which  often  car- 
ried him  through  the  execution  of  his  designs  with  sur- 
prising promptness,  though  at  the  expense  of  perpetual 
contention.  We  may  lament,  rather  than  wonder,  that 
he  had  the  faults  natural  to  such  a  character :  ambition 
and  a  strong  propensity  to  domineer;  and  that  his  con- 
duct appears  sometimes  dictated  by  self-will  and  passion. 
While  he  sternly  opposed  the  arrogance  of  the   Roman 

12 


134  I'HE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

bishop,  lie  himself  cherished  extravagant  notions  of 
Episcopal  authority,  and  unwarily  promoted  that  eccle- 
siastical tyranny  which  was  at  length  to  enslave  the  chris- 
tian world.  But  a  worse  fault  than  all  these,  at  least 
in  moral  principle,  aside  from  its  general  consequences, 
was  his  knavish  assertion  of  visions  and  immediate  rev- 
elations from  God,  as  his  authority  and  justification, 
whenever  he  encroached  on  the  rights  of  others,  or 
resorted  to  unpopular  measures. 

As  he  seems  to  have  had  little  acquaintance  with  the 
Greek  fathers  in  general,  Firmilian  excepted,  and  per- 
haps none  with  Origen,  his  views  of  the  future  state 
may  be  regarded  as,  in  some  degree,  a  specimen  of 
those  that  prevailed  in  the  West.  He  held  a  tempora- 
ry and  mild  purgatory  for  the  less  deserving  saints  ™  ; 
but  for  impenitent  unbelievers  an  endless  punishment". 
And  it  is  too  manifest  that  he  indulged,  at  times,  the 
spirit  of  a  doctrine  so  congenial  with  the  hot  African 
temper  :  "  O  what  a  glorious  day,"  says  he,  "  will 
"  come,  when  the  Lord  shall  begin  to  recount  his  peo- 
"  pie  and  to  adjudge  their  rewards,  to  send  the  guilty 
"  into  hell,  to  condemn  our  persecutors  to  the  perpetual 
"  fire  of  penal  flames,  and  to  bestow  on  us  the  reward 
"  of  faith  and  devotedness  to  him  !  What  glory,  what 
*' joy,  to  be  admitted  to  see  God,  to  be  honored,  to 
*'  partake  of  the  joy  of  eternal  light  and  salvation  with 
**  Christ  the  Lord  your  God  ;    to  salute  Abraham,  Isaac 

in  Cypriani  Epist.  ad  Antonianum  lii.  p.  72.  Edit.  Baluzii,  Paris. 
1726.  n  Cypriani   Lib.  contra  Demetrian.  p.  224.   And  Epist. 

ad  Clerum,  p.  13  and  passim. 


v.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  I35 

"  and  Jacob,  and  all  the  patriarchs  and  prophets,  apos- 
"  tfes  and  martyrs,  'to  rejoice  with  the  righteous,  the 
"  friends  of  God,  in  the  pleasures  of  immortality !  When 
"  that  revelation  shall  come,  when  the  beauty  of  God 
"  shall  shine  upon  us,  we  shall  be  as  happy  as  the  de- 
"  serters  and  rebellious  will  be  miserable  in  inextinguish- 
"able  fire°." 

Cyprian  frequently  imitates  Tertullian,  and  some- 
times borrows  from  him  ;  and,  it  is  said,  he  was  so 
partial  to  that  stern  and  gloomy  enthusiast,  that  he  daily 
read  his  works,  habitually  calling  out,  as  he  sat  down, 
Give  me  my  JMaster.  His  confident  expectation  of  the 
immediate  end  of  the  world,  and  near  approach  of 
the  general  judgment,  conspired  with  his  naturally 
warm  temper,  to  cherish  a  high  degree  of  devotional 
fervor ;  and  of  all  the  early  fathers,  there  was  none 
whose  general  style  of  expression  approached  so  near 
that  of  the  more  enthusiastic  or  fanatical  of  the  modern 
orthodox.     Yet  his  opinions  are  by  no  means  reducible 

o  Cypriani  Epist.  ad  Thibaritanos,  hi.  fine  pp.  93,  94.  Milner 
the  orthodox  historian,  whose  translation  I  have  here  adopted,  says 
seriously,  on  quoting  this  passage,  that  "The  pahn  of  heavenly  mind" 
"  edness  belonged  to  these  persecuted  saints;  and  I  wish,  with  all 
"  our  theological  improvements,  we  may  obtain  a  measure  of  this 
*'zeal,  amidst  the  various  good  things  of  this  life  which,  as  chris- 
"  tians,  we  at  present  enjoy."  (Church- Hist.  Cent.  iii.  chap.  12.)  A 
general  collection  of  these  heavenly-minded  exultations,  over  the  an- 
ticipated torments  of  the  damned,  would  have  satisfied  our  visionary, 
that  latter  ages  can  boast  genuine  instances  of  Tertullian's  and  Cyp- 
rian's zeal.  Had  he  considered,  too,  that  there  was  some  earthly 
feeling  of  revenge  to  inspire  the  joy  of  the  ancients  in  the  damnation 
of  their  persecutors,  he  must  have  adjudged  the  jjahn  to  the  more  dis- 
interested moderns  ;  who,  without  the  aid  of  provocation,  indulge  a 
much  more  difficult  satisfaction  in  expecting  the  agonies,  not  of  their 
oppressors,  but  of  their  supporters,  their  kindest  benefactors,  and  of 
their  own  families. 


136  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

to  any  creed  approved  at  j^resent :  He  was  a  trinita- 
rian,  but  ignorant  of  predestination  and  irresistible  grace; 
he  held  that  remission  of  sins,  and  spiritual  regeneration 
were  imparted  by  the  minister  to  the  candidate  in  the 
rite  of  water  baptism;  that  true  converts  might  after- 
wards utterly  fall  from  grace  ;  that  good  works,  particu- 
larly prayers,  tears,  fasting  and  penance,  m.ake  satisfac- 
tion to  God  for  our  sins  ;  and  that  matrimony  is  but  a 
sort  of  tolerated  prostitution. 

IX.  In  these  particulars,  however,  he  had  the  agree- 
ment of  a  large  proportion  of  his  cotemporaries  through- 
out the  East  as  well  as  the  West.     Christianity  had 

then  assumed  many  of  the  pecuhar  features 

A.  D.  250      it  now  wears  in  the  Romish  religion.     Sal- 

to  270.        vation,  it  was  represented,  could  be  secured 

only  within  the  pale  of  the  orthodox  church  ; 
and  all  the  heretics,  the  excommunicated  and  the  dis- 
senters, were  exposed  equally  with  the  heathens,  to  the 
torments  of  hell.  These  separate  sects,  in  their  turn, 
however,  usurped,  at  times,  the  same  terrible  prerog- 
ative, and  retorted  upon  the  catholics  their  o\vn  favorite 
admonitions.  At  the  head  of  the  tiiie  church,  the  cler- 
ical body,  and  particularly  that  of  the  bishops,  possessed, 
when  united,  an  influence  uncontrolable,  and  powerful 
even  when  divided  by  their  frequent  discords.  Some 
of  the  prelates  began  to  affect  the  splendor  and  mag- 
nificence of  secular  nobility,  though  the  sword  of  per- 
secution hung  over  their  heads,  and  often  fell  upon  them 
in  ruthless  extermination.  The  christian  ceremonies  and 
ordinances,  to  which  extravagant  spiritual  efficacy  was 
generally  attributed,  were  losing  their  pristine  simplicity 


v.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  I37 

in  pomp  and  tedious  parade.  Nor  was  the  morality  of 
the  gospel  less  perverted  :  though  downright  monachism 
had  not  been  introduced  into  the  church,  yet  acts  of 
mortification  and  penance,  were  regarded  as  superior 
to  ordinary  virtue,  and  a  life  of  rigid  abstinence  as  the 
favorite  institution  of  heaven.  But,  as  might  be  expect- 
ed, the  manners  of  the  time  approached,  at  once,  the 
two  extremes  of  austerity  and  licentiousness :  some 
who  professed  the  abstinence  of  celibacy,  even  indulged 
themselves,  to.  the  great  scandal  of  the  better  sort,  in 
the  possession  of  concubines  from  among  those  who  had 
vowed  perpetual  chastity. 

Amidst  this  scene  of  growing  corruption,  a  jealous 
zeal  was  cherished  against  all  supposed  error  ;  and  the 
church  exhibited  the  striking,  though  not  singular,  spec- 
tacle, of  rage  for  soundness  of  faith,  in  proportion  to 
the  common  degeneracy.  While  the  destructive  per- 
secutions of  the  heathens,  urged  at  this  time  with  un- 
precedented violence,  were  drenching  the  earth  w^ith 
christian  blood,  the  believers,  both  in  the  East  and  the 
West,  seemed  to  devote  the  intervals  of  repose,  to  a 
mad  search  for  non-conformity  in  doctrine  and  discipline, 
which  they  hunted  into  every  corner,  and  condemned 
with  little  discrimination  or  reflection.  In  the  West, 
Novatus  and  his  followers  were  excommunicated  for 
their  factious  conduct  and  for  their  obstinate  exclusion 
of  the  lapsed  ;  and  Cyprian  and  the  bishop  of  Rome 
were  engaged  in  a  quarrel  about  rebaptizing  heretics. 
In  the  East,  Noetus  and  Sabellius  on  the  one  hand, 
and  Paul  of  Samosata  on  the  other,  were  arraigned  and 
condemned  for  opposite  departures  from  the  indefinable 
12* 


13S  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Appendix  to 

and  wavering  standard  of  trinitarianism.  Between  the 
East  and  the  West,  a  controversy  was  kept  up,  concernmg 
the  proper  days  for  fasting,  and  the  time  for  the  cel- 
ebration of  the  Paschal  Feast.  In  one  word,  so  univer- 
sal was  the  passion  for  censure,  that  scarcely  an  individ- 
ual of  eminence,  escaped  reproof  from  one  quarter  or 
another.  This  circumstance  will  serve  to  introduce 
us  to  the  subject  of  the  next  chapter  ;  which  returning 
from  our  excursion  among  the  cotemporaries  of  Origen, 
takes  up  the  history  of  his  doctrine,  from  the  time  of 
his  death. 


APPENDIX  TO  CHAPTER  V. 


I.  But  in  order  to  avoid  an  unseasonable  interruption 
in  that  narrative,  we  must  defer  the  history  of  Origen's 
doctrine,  till  we  shall  have  brought  into  notice  a  new 
kind  of  Gnostic  christians.  The  sect  of  IManicheans 
began  to  appear,  in  the  East,  about  this  time ;  and 
though  small  at  first,  became,  eventually,  the  most 
famous  of  all  the  parties  of  oriental  heretics  that  ever 
arose.  By  gradually  dra^^^ng  into  itself  the  more  an- 
cient bodies  of  Gnostics,  it  swelled,  at  length,  to  a  for- 
midable magnitude;  the  number  of  its  converts,  and 
the  talents  of  some  of  its  members,  gave  it  an  alarming 
respectability ;  and  so  long  did  it  flourish,  so  widely  did 
it  diffuse  its  sentiments,  under  various  modifications, 
throughout  Christendom,  that  its  influence   disturbed  the 


Chap,  v.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  j  39 

church  for  many  succeeding  centuries,  and  reached 
even  down  to  the  remote  era  of  the  Reformation. 

The  author  of  this  heresy  was  one  Mani,  a  Persian 
philosopher,  who  appears  to  have  combined  a  daring 
imagination  and  a  most  fertile  genius  with  the  austerest 
life  and  manners.  Though  educated  in  the  schools  of 
the  Magi,  and  thoroughly  instructed  in  the  religion  and 
sciences  of  his  country,  he  abandoned  the  ancient  es- 
tablished profession  of  Zoroaster,  and  embraced  Chris- 
tianity ;  but  like  many  other  converted  philosophers, 
he  attempted  an  accommodation  between  the  gospel 
and  his  former  theology.  His  history  is  deeply  involv- 
ed in  contradictions,  and  mixed  with  fables ;  but  if  we 
may  adopt  the  most  probable  account,  he 
About  was,  on  his  conversion,  ordained  Presbyt- 
A.  D.  265.  erinthe  cityof  Ahwaz,  about  seventy  miles 
north  of  the  mouth  of  the  Euphrates. 
As  his  system  of  doctrine  was,  in  some  of  its  parts,  too 
manifestly  inconsistent  with  the  tenor  of  the  scriptures, 
as  well  as  repugnant  to  the  faith  of  the  few  christians 
already  in  his  country,  he  announced  himself  an  apostle 
of  Jesus  Christ,  inspn-ed  by  heaven  to  complete  the 
imperfect  revelation  of  his  Master,  by  declaring  the  re- 
maining truths  which  he  had  not  divulged,  and  by  ful- 
filling his  ancient  promise  of  a  Comforter.  But  whether 
this  was  the  assumption  of  sincere  fanaticism,  or  the 
impious  pretence  of  designing  imposture,  cannot  be 
absolutely  determined. 

Removing,  afterwards,  to  the  capital  cities  of  Ctesi- 
phon  and  Ecbatana,  he  converted  the  Persian  king,  the 
renowned  Sapor,  to  his  religion,  and  obtained,  perhaps, 


140  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  Appendix  to 

the  place  of  tutor  to  the  yoang  prince,  Hormizdas. 
Emboldened  by  the  royal  patronage,  and  growing  zealous 
with  the  increasing  number  of  his  followers,  he  prose- 
cuted a  public  attack  on  the  old  rehgion  of  the  kingdom, 
in  order  to  substitute  his  o\mi.  The  ancient  and  numer- 
ous priesthood  of  Zoroaster  was  alarmed  at  this  daring 
innovation  within  the  very  court ;  the  ]Magi,  crowding 
around  the  monarch,  soon  succeeded  in  alienating  him 
from  the  apostate,  and  in  rousing  him  to  a  determination 
of  avenging  the  violated  faith  of  his  people.  Mani 
perceived  the  change  ;  and  with  his  more  faithful  disci- 
ples, fled  from  the  impending  blow,  into  Mesopotamia. 
But  on  the  death  of  Sapor,  in  A.  D.  273,  he  returned 
to  the  Persian  court,  under  the  favor  of  the  new  king, 
his  former  pupil ;  and  was,  by  him,  provided  with  a 
residence  in  a  strong  tower,  built  for  his  security  against 
his  numerous  and  enraged  enemies.  Meanwhile,  his 
disciples  taught  his  doctrine,  with  success,  in  various 
parts  of  the  country,  and,  perhaps,  carried  it  eastward 
into  India.  The  flattering  prospect  of  safety  and 
patronage,  however,  was  suddenly  blasted.  The  faith- 
ful Hormizdas  died  in  the  second  year  of  his  reign ; 
and  his  son,  Varanes,  on  ascending  the  throne,  soon 
yielded  to  the  entreaties  or  warnings  of  the  Magi. 
Having  by  a  specious  pretence,  enticed  his  destined 
victim  from  his  strong  hold,  he  seized  and  put  him  to 
death,  about  A.  D.  277.  Thus  fell  Mani,  probably  in 
middle  life  ;  but  the  blood  of  the  martyr  only  quicken- 
ed the  growth  of  his  cause  ^. 

a  Mosheim  (De  Rebus  Christian.  &c.  pp.  737 — 740,)  has  mani- 
fested his  usual  good  sense  in  gathering  from  the  confused  stories  of 
antiquity,  a  probable  narrative  of  Mani's  Life. 


Chap,  v.]  OF  UNI  VERS  ALISM.  141 

II.  Like  some  other  Gnostics,  the  Manicheans  held 
two  Original,  Self-existent  Principles,  the  primary  causes 
of  all  things.  From  the  depths  of  past  eternity,  the 
Universe  existed  in  two  separate  and  adverse  regions  : 
the  pure  and  happy  world  of  Light,  on  the  one  hand, 
and  on  the  other,  the  world  of  Darkness,  where  all  was 
corruption,  turbulence  and  misery.  Over  the  realm  of 
Light,  which  was  much  the  larger  of  the  two,  reigned 
the  true  God,  self-existent,  all-wise,  omnipotent,  com- 
pletely blessed,  and  therefore  perfectly  good.  Innu- 
merable angels,  derived  from  him,  filled  his  tranquil 
dominion,  and  partook  of  his  uninterrupted  enjoyment. 
In  the  deep  centre  of  the  opposite  world  of  primeval 
darkness,  was  the  abode  of  Hyle,  or  Satan,  the  loath- 
some prince  of  evil,  without  beginning,  but  stupid  and 
feeble,  though  unceasingly  engaged  in  malicious  craft ; 
and  the  countless  demons  he  had  produced,  swarmed 
through  his  hideous  and  boisterous  realm,  waging  mu- 
tual warfare,  and  profoundly  ignorant,  like  their  king, 
of  the  existence  of  the  world  of  light. 

In  the  eternal  lapse  of  ages,  an  accident  at  length 
occurred,  by  which  a  partial  mixture  took  place  between 
the  two  original  substances,  hitherto  distinct.  In  one  of 
the  intestine  quarrels  which  continually  raged  in  the 
kingdom  of  Hyle,  a  vanquished  party  of  demons  fled 
to  the  very  confines  of  that  world  ;  and  from  hs  moun- 
tainous borders,  caught  their  first  view  of  the  neighbor- 
ing realm  of  light.  Struck  with  admiration  at  its  splen- 
dor and  beauty,  they  paused  ;  their  pursuers  arrived ; 
and  all,  forgetting  their  mutual  hostility,  united  in  consul- 
tation  how   to   gain  possession  of  the   glorious  world 


142  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Appendix  to 

before  them.  An  expedition  was  immediately  under- 
taken ;  but  the  all-seeing  Deity,  beholding  their  ap- 
proach, despatched  a  body  of  celestial  powers  under 
the  command  of  an  appointed  leader.  In  the  conflict 
that  ensued,  the  forces  of  darkness  were  at  first  partially 
victorious ;  and  though  eventually  repulsed,  they  suc- 
ceeded in  carrying  into  captivity  a  sufficient  quantity  of 
light  and  divine  intelHgence,  to  give  them  new  capaci- 
ties, and  to  produce  a  manifest  change  in  their  world. 
Fearing,  however,  that  Deity  would  liberate  and  with- 
draw that  portion  of  light  now  in  their  kingdom,  they 
contrived  to  retain  it.  For  this  purpose,  they  made, 
out  of  evil  matter,  a  human  body,  like  that  of  the  late 
leader  of  the  celestial  forces,  w^hose  form  they  remem- 
bered ;  gave  this  body  a  soul  merely  animal,  like  their 
own ;  and  then  drew  into  it  the  captive  substance  of 
light,  which  became  a  rational  soul  aUied  to  heaven. 
Thus  completely  constituted,  the  creature  was  called 
Adam,  the  first  of  the  human  race.  Afterwards,  Eve 
was  created  in  a  similar  manner,  and  wuth  the  same 
diversity  of  souls ;  and  it  is  from  this  diversity  that 
arises  the  perpetual  conflict  between  the  sensual  and 
heavenly  natures  of  mankind. 

The  Deity,  hpwever,  did  not  relinquish  his  design  of 
reclaiming  the  celestial  substance  from  the  world  of 
darkness.  In  order  to  provide  a  suhable  dwelling-place 
for  man,  that  his  soul  might  be  brought  to  spurn  the  soft 
enticements  of  the  body  and  return  to  its  native  mansion, 
he  created  our  world,  midway  between  the  primeval 
spheres  of  light  and  darkness,  out  of  matter  furnished 
from  both  these  regions.     The  sun  he  made  of  pure 


Chap.  V  ]  OF  UNI\^RSALISM;  I43 

fire,  and  the  moon,  of  uncontaminated  water  ;  the  stars 
and  the  atmosphere,  of  a  substance  somewhat  tinctured 
with  evil ;  and  our  earth,  of  a  matter  ahnost  wholly- 
depraved.  Here  was  the  appointed  habitation  of  Adam ; 
who  possessing  a  large  share  of  celestial  nature,  perse- 
vered awhile  in  rectitude.  But  the  influence  of  his 
corrupt  constitution  increasing,  he  yielded,  at  length,  to 
the  blandishments  of  Eve,  and  so  transgressed  the  di- 
vine law\  The  superior,  rational  souls  of  the  first  pair, 
were  instantly  overshadowed  and  obscured  with  dark- 
ness, and  their  affections  enslaved  by  the  body ;  their 
evil  propensities  gained  entire  ascendency ;  and  all 
their  posterity,  born  in  the  same  fallen  condition,  are 
free,  by  nature,  to  do  only  evil ;  or  rather,  have  lost  the 
knowledge  how  to  employ  their  will  effectually  to  what 
is  good^. 

'  b  After  a  long  discussion  of  their  notions  concerning  free-will, 
Beausobre  comes  to  the  following  conclusions  :  "1,  The  Manicbeans 
''allowed  the  soul  to  be  free  in  its  origin,  and  during  its  state  of  in- 
"nocence.  For  it  had  power  to  resist  evil,  and  to  overcome  it. 
"  2,  After  its  fall  it  had  not  absolutely  lost  that  power,  but  it  had  lost 
''the  use,  because  it  was  ignorant  of  its  nature,  and  of  its  origin, 
"  and  of  its  true  interests;  and  because  concupiscence,  which  has  its 
*'  seat  in  the  flesh,  carries  it  away  by  an  invincible  force  to  do,  or  al- 
/'low  what  it  condemns.  3,  The  gospel  of  Jesus  Christ  delivers  the 
"  soul  from  that  servitude,  and  gives  it  sufficient  power  to  subdue 
"sin  and  to  obey  the  law  of  God,  provided  it  make  use  of  the  helps 
"  therein  afforded."  Afterwards  he  adds  :  "  Finally,!  allow  that  the 
"  ancient  fathers  in  general  say  that  the  Manicbeans  denied  free-will. 
"  The  reason  is,  that  the  fathers  believed  and  maintained,  against  the 
'<  Marcionites  and  Manicbeans,  that  whatever  be  the  state  man  is  in, 
"he  has  the  command  over  his  own  actions,  and  has  equally  power 
•' to  do  good  and  evil.  Augustine  himself  reasoned  upon  this  prin- 
*'  ciple,  as  well  as  other  catholics,  his  predecessors,  so  long  as  he  had 
*'  to  do.Avith  the  Manicbeans.  But  when  he  came  to  dispute  with 
"  the  Pelagians,  he  changed  his  system.  Then,  he  denied  that  kind 
"  of  freedom  which  he  had  before  defended  ;  and  so  far  as  I  am  able 


144  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Appendix  to 

In  order  to  promote  the  comfort  of  man,  while  upon 
earth,  but  chiefly  to  aid  the  work  of  his  restoration,  the 
Deity,  after  the  creation  of  this  world,  produced  from 
his  own  being  two  peculiar  existences,  called  Christ 
and  the  Holy  Ghost,  who,  with  himself,  constitute  a 
trinity,  Christ,  the  brightness  of  eternal  light,  holds 
his  throne  in  the  resplendent  orb  of  the  sun  and  ex- 
tends his  influence  to  the  moon  ;  the  Holy  Ghost  re- 
sides in  our  atmosphere,  mollifying  its  asperity,  cherish- 
ing the  universal  principle  of  vivification,  and  operating 
on  the  minds  of  men. 

When,  for  many  ages,  God  had  attempted,  with 
little  success,  to  reclaim  mankind  through  the  ministry 
of  angels  and  inspired  saints,  he  at  length  sent  Christ 
from  his  abode  in  the  sun,  to  visit  our  world,  not  as  a 
vicarious  sufferer,  but  as  an  infallible  Teacher.  Assu- 
ming only  the  visionary  appearance  of  a  human  body, 
the  Saviour  entered  on  his  mission,  instructing  our  fall- 
en race  how  to  forsake  the  service  of  the  prince  of 
darkness,^  to  embrace  that  of  the  true  God,  and  to  sub- 
ject the  body  to  the  government  of  the  soul  by  a  life  of 
rigid  virtue  and  extreme  austerity.  He  only  introduced, 
without  perfecting,  the  system  of  Christianity,  so  that  his 
first  apostles  knew  but  in  part  and  prophesied  but  in 
part ;  but  near  the  close  of  his  ministry,  and  just  before 
his  seeming  apprehension  and  suffering,  he  promised  his 

"  to  judge,  his  sentiment  no  longer  differed  from  that  of  the  Mani- 
"cheans,  concerning  the  servitude  of  the  will.  He,  however,  ascrib- 
"  ed  that  servitude  to  the  corruption  which  original  sin  brought  into 
^'  our  nature ;  whereas,  they  attributed  it  to  an  evil  quality  eternally 
''  inherent  in  jnatter."  Hist,  de  Manichee,  Tom.  ii.  pp.  447,  448. 
These  conclusions  are  adopted  by  Lardner,  Credibility  of  the  Gospel 
Hist,  part  ii.  chap.  Ixiii.  sect.  iv.  13. 


Chap,  v.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  I45 

disciples  to  send  a  Comforter,  who  should  lead  them 
into  all  truth.  Accordingly,  in  due  time,  Mani  the  com- 
forter appeared  ;  and  not  only  completed  his  Master's 
revelation,  but  also  restored  that  doctrine  which  Christ 
had  already  taught,  to  its  original  simplicity,  by  exposing 
the  many  corruptions  introduced  by  his  followers. 

Those  souls  who  here  obey  the  instructions  of  Christ, 
ascend,  on  the  death  of  the  vile  body,  to  their  native 
sphere ;  but  they  who  neglect,  are  then  sent  into  other 
bodies  of  men,  brutes,  or  plants,  to  repeat  their  mortal 
course  of  discipline,  until  they  are  fitted  for  heaven. 
Such,  however,  as  fight  against  the  truth  and  persecute 
its  adherents,  are  first  driven  into  the  dominions  of  the 
Prince  of  darkness,  to  be  tormented  a  while  in  flame, 
before  they  transmigrate  again  upon  earth. 

At  length,  in  the  fulness  of  times,  when  all  souls,  or 
nearly  all,  shall  have  been  reclaimed,  and  the  captive 
particles  of  light  won  back  to  the  kingdom  of  Deity, 
the  whole  of  this  world  shall  be  destroyed  by  fire. 
Some  of  the  Manicheans,  perhaps,  held  the  restoration 
of  all  souls*';  but  none  of  them,  the  salvation  of  Hyle 
and  his  demons.  These  are  independent  powers,  over 
whom,  so  long  as  they  remain  in  their  own  sphere,  the 
true  God  claims  no  jurisdiction.  After  the  end  of  our 
world,  they  are  to  be  forever  restricted  to  their  original 
empire  of  darkness,  unblest  with  the  least  mixture  of 
the  good  substance  ;  and  if  any  human  souls  shall  be 
found  utterly  kreclaimable,  they  will  be  stationed,  as 
a  guard,  on  the  frontiers  of  that  realm,  to  keep  the  evil 
hosts  within  their  rightful  dominions. 

c  Beausobre,  Hist,    de  Manichee,  Tom.  ii.  pp.  569 — 575.     And 
Lardner's  Credibility    &c.  Chap.  Mani  and  his  followers,  Sect.  iv.  18. 

13 


J  46  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Appendix  to 

After  mentioning  that,  like  other  Gnostics,  the  Ma- 
nicheans  denied  the  resurrection  of  the  body,  we  have 
only  to  add  that  they  rejected  the  Old  Testament,  pre- 
tended that  many  parts  of  the  New,  especially  of  the  four 
Gospels,  had  been  interpolated,  either  by  ignorant  or 
designing  men;  and  that  they  received  the  writings  of 
Mani,  as  of  canonical  authority '^ 

III.  To  us  their  scheme  of  doctrine  appears  almost 
too  monstrous  for  conception  ;  but  to  those  brought  up 
in  the  oriental  philosophy,  it  was  an  ingenious  system, 
the  fundamental  principles  of  which  accorded  with  all 
their  prejudices  and  habits  of  thinking.  Nor  was  it  so 
utterly  shocking  to  the  more  simple-minded  Greeks; 
and  the  advantages  it  was  supposed  to  offer,  in  account- 
ing for  the  introduction  of  evil  without  implicating  the 
purity  and  goodness  of  God,  counterbalanced  weighty 
objections  in  the  opinion  of  many.  When  it  had  spread 
in  Persia  and  other  oriental  countries  awhile,  it  began 
to  appear  among  the  christians  in  the  eastern  part  of  the 
Roman  empire,  as  early,  probably,  as  A.  D.  280 ;  but 
here  its  progress  was,  at  first,  undoubtedly  slow,  as  the 
orthodox  fathers  do  not  seem  to  have  taken  any  notice 
of  it,  till  thirty  or  forty  years  afterwards. 

The  sources  whence  I  have  drawn  this  short  account  of  Ma- 
nicheism,  are  Moshemii  De  Rebus  Christianorum  &c.  pp.  728 — 903; 
Beauscbre's  large  work,  Histoirc  de  Manichee  et  du  Maiiicheisme  ; 
and  Lardner's  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  Hist.  Part  ii.  Cliap.  Ixiit 
Of  Beausobre,  however,  1  have  made  but  httle  use,  except  what  may 
be  derived  from  Lardner's  remarks,  extracts  and  references 


CHAPTER  VI. 

[From  A.  D.  254,  to  A.  D.  390.] 

I.  Throughout  the  long  period  of  nearly  a  century 
and  a  half,  to  be  surveyed  in  this  chapter,  there  is  not 
an  intimation  found  that  Origen's  Universalism  gave  any 
offence  in  the  church,  notwithstanding  his  writings,  the 
meanwhile,  underwent  the  severest  scrutiny,  and  w^ere 
frequently  attacked  on  other  points.  In  order  to  give  a 
full  view  of  the  state  of  that  doctrine  in  this  age,  we 
must  attempt  a  narration  intricate  and  often  digressive, 
stating  not  only  the  opinions  of  all  the  principal  fathers 
concerning  future  punishment,  but  likewise  all  the  com- 
plaints and  controversies  that  arose  on  Origen's  senti- 
ments^''. As  we  proceed  we  shall  discov^er,  what  is  a 
very  important  fact,  that  even  the  few  who  treated  his 

a  Huetii  Origeniana,  (inter  Origenis  Opera)  particularly  Lib.  ii, 
cap.  4.  direct?  to  nearly  all  the  materials  for  a  history  of  Origen's 
doctrine  By  his  doctrine,  we  mean,  of  course,  not  his  Universalism 
in  particular,  but  his  general  religious  system,  or  rather  the  whole 
body  of  his  peculiar  tenets.  Whoever  has  perused  Huet's  work, 
will  scarcely  be  repaid  for  reading  the  smaller  and  less  critical  treat- 
ise, ''  Histoire  de  TOrigenisme,  par  le  P.  Louis  Doucin,"  published  at 
Paris,  1700,  in  one  volume,  16mo.  of  388  narrow  pages;  but  even 
this  contains  much  more  information  than  Bishop  Rust's  ''  Letter  of 
Resolution  concerning  Origen,  and  the  Chief  of  his  Opinions,"  which 
may  be  found  in  the  first  volume  of  The  Phenix,  a  miscellaneous 
work  begun  at  London  in  1707.  I  have  seen  the  following  titles, 
but  not  the  works:  ''Joh.  Hen.  Ilorbii  Historia  Origeniana,  sive  de 
ultima  origine  et  progressu  Haereseos  Origenis  Adamantii."  Franc. 
1670  ;  and  "  Berrow's  Illustration  and  Defence  of  the  Opinions  of 
Origen."     4to. 


148      •  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

name  with  indignity,  and  bitterly  censured  various  parts 
of  his  doctrine,  uniformly  passed,  in  silence,  over  the 
prominent  tenet  of  Universal  Salvation. 

It  was  but  a  few  years  after  his  death  that  some  of 
his  views  appear  to  have  been,  for  the  first  time,  iniMicly 
impeached ;  though  in  this  instance,  without  mentioning 
his  name.     Origen  had  combatted,  even  in  his  earhest 
publications,  the  prevaihng  notion  of  Christ's  personal 
reign  on  earth  for  a  thousand  years  after  the  resurrection ; 
and  his  successive  attacks,  which  he  continued  to  urge 
against  this  point  with  more  than  his  wonted  spirit,  had 
eventually  brought  it  into  disrepute,  to  the  great  dissatis- 
faction of  the  few  who  still  adhered  to  it. 
A.  D.  257,     Towards  the   year   260,   as  is  supposed, 
to  263.        Nepos,   bishop   of  some  place    in  Egypt, 
published  in  its  defence,  a   Confutation  of 
the   Allegorists ;    a   title    which    aimed,    undoubtedly, 
against  Origen  and  his  followers.     This  book,  now  lost, 
was  well  received  in  some  parts  of  Egypt,  particularly 
in  the    district  of  Arsinoe,  south  of  the  lake  Moeris ; 
where,  under  its  influence,  the  doctrine  of  the  Millen- 
nium began  to  revive,  and  in  the  course  of  a  few  years, 
involved  several  churches  in  schism.     But   Dionysius 
the  Great,  formerly  a  scholar  of  Origen,  and  now  bishop 
of  Alexandria,  happening  in  the  infected  district,  about 
A.  D.  262,  undertook,  with  great  moderation  and  pru- 
dence,  to    eradicate    the    sentiment,    and    restore    the 
churches  there  to  harmony.     After  a  public  discussion 
of  three   days,  he  had  the  satisfaction  of  bringing  over 
all  its  advocates  to  his  own  opinion ;    and  following  up 
his  peaceful  victory,  he  wrote  a  book   On  the  Divine 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  149 

Promises,  in  which  he  contended  that  the  passages 
which  had  been  used  in  evidence  of  a  Millennium, 
should  be  understood  in  an  allegorical,  rather  than  in 
the  literal  sense.     Here  ended  this  affair''. 

n.  It  will  be  readily  believed  that  so  obscure   and 
momentary  a   disturbance  could   not  diminish  the  re- 
nown   of  Origen.      Accordingly,  we  find 
A.  D.  280,     that  twenty  or  thirty  years   afterwards,  to 

—  290.     call  an  author  by  his  name,   was  generally 

esteemed  the  greatest  honor  which  could 
be  conferred  ;  and  it  appears  that  he  was  imitated  by 
some  Egyptian  writers,  particularly  by  the  learned  Pie- 
rius,  a  presbyter  of  Alexandria,  and  by  Theognostus, 
president  of  the  Catechetical  School  in  that  city  :  both 
whose  works  have  perished*^.  But  though  his  memo- 
ry was  held  in  general  veneration,  it  seems,  neverthe- 
less, that  the  division  originally  occasioned  by  Deme- 
trius, still  continued  in  a  certain  degree,  among  the 
Egyptian  churches'^. 

And  in  Asia,  a  public  attack,  more  di- 
A.  D.  290,     rect  and  hostile  than  that  of  Nepos,  was, 

—  300.     about  this  time,  made  upon  several  points 

of  his  doctrine.  Methodius,  bishop  at  first 
of  Olympus  in  Lycia,  and  then  of  Tyre,  became,  from 
some  cause  unknown,  bitterly  prejudiced  against  his 
memory,  and  sought  every  means  to  render  it  odious. 
He  published,  professedly  against  him,  a  treatise  On  ths 

b  Cave's  Lives  of  the  Fathers,  Chap.  Dionysius,  §  l5.  And  Mo- 
sheim,  De- Rebus  Christian.  &c.  pp.  720 — 728.  c  See  the 

accounts  of  Pierius  and  Theognostus,  in  Du  Pin,  Lardner,  &c. 

^  Petrus  Alexandrinus;  apud  Justiniani  Epist.  ad  Menam,  quoted 
by  Du  Pin. 

13* 


150  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

Resurrection,  another  On  the  Pythoness  or  Witch  of  En- 
dor,  and  a  third  On  Created  Things;    in  all  which,  as 
well  as  in  some  other  pieces,  he  inveighed  against  his 
opinions,  and  sometimes  treated  him  with  angry  abuse. 
In  the  first,  he  directed  his  attacks  against  such  of  Ori- 
gen's  notions  as  may  be  comprised  under  the   following 
heads,  viz.      1,  That  mankind  will  rise  from  the   dead 
with  aerial  instead  of  fleshly  bodies ;     2,  That  in  the 
ages  of  eternity,  the  saints  will  become  angels  ;   3,  That 
human  souls  have  existed  and  sinned  in  a  former  state 
of  being ;    4,  That  Adam  and  Eve  were,  before  their 
transgression,  incorporeal   spirits ;  and  5,  that  the  gar- 
den of  Eden,  so  called,  w^as   an  abode   in  heaven,  be- 
longing to  the  pre-existent  state.     The  second  work, 
now  lost,  is  said  to  have  been  a  stricture  upon  some  of 
Origen's  notions  concerning  the  Witch  of  Endor,  and 
the  apparition  of  Samuel ;  and  the  third,  of  which  only 
a  fragment  remains,  was   a  refutation  of  an  opinion,  at- 
tributed perhaps  falsely  to  him,   that  the  world  had  no 
begi7initig,  as  well  as  of  another,  which  in  some  sense 
he  doubtless  advanced,   that  the  world  existed  long  he- 
fore  the  six  days    of  creation  mentioned   in    Genesis. 
With  these  seven  or  eight  particulars,  there   are  some 
points  more  trivial  which  Methodius  selected  as  obnox- 
ious ;    but  in  all  his  search  for  errors,  Universalism  es- 
caped  without   a  censure ''.      After   these   attacks,   it 

e  Du  Pin's  Biblioth.  Pat.  Art.  Methodius.  And  Lavdnnr's  Credi- 
bility &c.  Chap.  Methodius.  And  Epiphanii  Panarium,  Haires.  Ixiv. 
where  most  of  Methodius  On  the  Resurrection,  is  preserved.  Also, 
Photii  Bibliotheca,  Cod.  234,  235.  Some  have  said  that  Methodius's 
treatise  On  Free-will,  was  against  Origen;  but  it  was  against  the 
Valentinians. 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  151 

seems,  he  grew  more  favorably  disposed  towards  the 
object  of  his  late  enmity ;  and  at  length  joined  in  the 
general  admiration  of  his  talents  and  virtues^.  He  was 
a  writer  of  no  great  celebrity.  While  this  was  transact- 
ing in  the  East,  Origen's  writings  appear  to  have  found 
a  professed  admirer  in  the  West :  Victorinus,  who  was 
probably  a  Greek  by  birth  and  education,  but  now  bish- 
op of  Petabiura  on  the  Danube  in  Western  Germany,  is 
said  to  have  imitated  him  in  his  Commentaries,  though 
he  disagreed  with  him  in  some  of  his  views,  particular- 
ly on  the  Millennium  ^. 

III.  In  the  numerous  and  influential  churches  of  Al- 
exandria, we  discover  that  the  troubles  which  arose  on 
his  expulsion,  seventy  or  eighty  years  before,  had  not 
yet  subsided.  Among  his  adversaries,  now,  was  Peter, 
tlie  bishop  ;  the  first,  probably,  from  that  class,  who  had 
presided  there,  since  the  time  of  Demetrius.  About 
this  time,  or  a  little  after,  Peter  pijblicly  opposed  the 
notion  of  pre-existence,  though  incidentally,  perhaps, 
and  without  ascribing  it  to  Origen.  But  he  certainly 
betrayed  his  prejudice  by  unjustly  stigmatizing  him  with 
the  character  of  a  schismatic,  merely  for  having  disobey- 
ed his  passionate  and  domineering  bishop^.      There  is 


Lardner  thinks  that  Methodius  was  made  bishop  about  a.  d,  290; 
and  martyred  in  the  year  311,  or  312.  It  is  suspected  that  his  mali- 
cious treatment  of  Origen,  was  the  reason  of  Eusebius's  remarkable 
omission  of  his  name  in  his  Ecclesiastical   History.  f  Huet, 

Origenian.  Lib.  ii.  cap.  4,  sect.  i.  §    2,  inter  Origenis   Opera,   Edit. 
Delarue  ;    cum  Not.  in  loco.  s  Hieronymi    Epist.   xxxvi.  ad 

Vigilant,  p.  276,  Edit.  Martianay.     And   Cave,  Hist.  Literaria,  Art. 
Victorinus  Petavionensis.  h  Petrus  Alexandrinus  apud   Jus- 

tiniani  Epist.  ad  Menam,  quoted  by  Du  Pin,  Biblioth.  Pat.  Art.  Peter 
of  Alexandria  1.     Yet  Eusebius  mentions  Peter  with  praise. 


152  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

reason  to  suspect  that  the  dissentions  at  Alexandria, 
never  ceased  till  they  at  length  produced,  as  we  shall 
hereafter  see,  two  avowed  parties,  both  in  the  orthodox 
churches  there,  and  in  the  monasteries  of  the  Egyptian 
deserts. 

IV.  As  we  are  now  arrived,  however,  at  the  age  of 
two  eminent  fathers  of  the  Western  church,  who  expli- 
citly stated  their  opinions  of  future  torments,   we  shall 
make    a  moment's   digression  in  order   to    avail    our- 
selves of  their  representations.       Arnobius    of   Sicca, 
about  seventy  or  eighty  miles  southwest   of  Carthage  in 
Africa,  wrote  his  large  work  Against  the  Heathens,  proba- 
bly about  A.  D.  305  ;  in  which  he  asserted  that  the  wick- 
ed will,  hereafter  "  be  thrown  into  torrents  of  fire,  amidst 
"  dark  caverns  and  whirlpools,  where  they  shall  at  length 
"be   annihilated   and    vanish  in  perpetual  extinction," 
while  the   righteous  on  the  other  hand,  shall  reign  in 
life  eternal ;  "  for,"  says  he,  "  souls  are  of  such  a  mid- 
'*  die  nature  that  they  can  be  exterminated  when  they 
"  have  not  the  knowledge  of  the  God  of  Hfe,  and  can 
"  also  be  preserved  from  destruction  by  taking  heed  to 
"his  threatenings  and  his  mercies'."     So  thought  Ar- 
nobius.    But  his  own  scholar,  the  celebrated  Lactantius, 
who,  after  going  to  Asia  Minor,  wrote  his  Institutes,  ^^qv- 
haps  about  A.  D.  306  •",  asserted  the  endless    misery, 

i  Arnobius  Adversus  Gentes,  Lib.  ii,  pp.  52,  53;  Edit.  LugdunS 
Bat.  1651.  It  lias  been  said  that  this  work  was  written  soon  after  his 
conversion,  while  he  was  only  a  Catechumen  ;  but  Laidner  shows, 
Batisfactorily  I  think,  from  the  book  itself,  that  the  author  must  have 
been  in  full  communion.  See  Lardner's  Credibility  &c.  chap.  Ar- 
nobius. J  Cave  and  Lardner  place  this  work  at  a.  d.  306; 
and  the  latter  assigns  his  reasons  against  the  former  critics,  who  had, 
for  the  most  part,  brought  it  down  to  about  a.  d.  321. 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  I53 

instead  of  the  annihilation  of  unbelievers.  Having  men- 
tioned certain  events  to  precede  the  end  of  the  world, 
he  says,  "  After  these  things  the  secret  place  of  the 
"  dead  shall  be  laid  open,  and  they  shall  rise.  And 
"  on  them  the  great  Judgment  shall  set,  conducted  by 
"  that  King  and   God,   to  whom   the   supreme  Father 

"  shall  give  full  power  both  to  jndge  and  to  reign 

"  Nevertheless,  not  the  whole  Universe,  but  only  such 
"  as  have  professed  the  divine  religion,  shall  then  be 
"judged.  For  since  those  who  never  confessed  God, 
"  cannot  possibly  be  absolved,  they  have  been  already 
"judged  and  condemned  :  as  the  holy  scriptures  testify 
"  that  the  impious  are  not  to  rise  in  the  judgment. 
"  (Ps.  i.  5.)  Accordingly  those  only  will  be  judged 
"  who  beheved  in  God ;  and  their  deeds  shall  be 
"  weighed,  the  evil  against  the  good,  that  if  their  right- 
•'  eous  w^orks  are  more  in  number  and  weight,  they  may 
*'  be  admitted  to  happiness  ;  but  if  their  wicked  acts  ex- 
"  ceed,  they  may  be  condemned  to  punishment''."  Af- 
terwards he  proceeds  to  describe  more  particularly  the 
future  conditions  of  these  several  classes  :  the  impious 
who  have  never  acknowledged  the  true  God,  shall  be 
consigned  to  endless  torment,  in  devouring  yet  unconsum- 
ing  flame  ;  but  the  professors  whose  sins  exceed  their 
righteousness,  shall  be  more  slightly  touched  and  scorch- 
ed by  the  fire ;  while  they  who  are  fully  matured  in 
holiness,  shall  pass  through  it  without  the  least  sensation 
of  pain  K 

k  Lactantii  Institut.  Lib.  vii.  cap.  20.  I  Ditto.  Lib.  vii.  cap. 

21 .     Du  Pin  has  not  exactly  stated  Lactantius's  meaning  here. 


154  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

Neither  the  sentiment  of  Arnobius,  nor  that  of  Lac- 
tantius,  on  this  subject,  though  different  from  each  other, 
appears  to  have  occasioned  any  complaint  or  dissatisfac- 
tion. Both  of  these  authors  acquired  considerable 
fame :  the  latter  was  the  most  elegant  and  classical 
writer  of  all  the  Latin  fathers ;  and  the  fond  partiality 
of  his  admirers,  has  ventured  to  compare  his  style,  for 
excellence,  with  that  of  Cicero. 

V.  Resuming  the  history  of  Origen's  doctrine,  we 
discover  that  in  addition  to  the  particulars  on  which 
Methodius  had  inveighed  against  him,  he  began  now  to 
be  accused  of  error  concerning  the  Trinity  and  Incarna- 
tion. To  the  former  of  these  points  the  public  atten- 
tion had  been  awakened  more  than  half  a  century  before, 
by  Origen's  own  controversy  with  Beryllus ;  and 
afterwards  by  those  that  the  church  carried  on  against 
Noetus,  Sabelhus  and  Paul  of  Samosata.  And  if,  as 
is  thought,  Lucian,  a  learned  presbyter  of  Antioch,  had 
still  more  lately  advanced  notions  contrary  to  trinitarian- 
ism,  the  circumstance  would  naturally  add  fresh  excite- 
ment to  feelings  already  on  the  alarm.  The  jealousy 
thus  roused  and  cherished,  was  now  scrutinizing  every 
form  of  expression  in  order  to  detect  heresy  on  this 
subject :  though  the  self-constituted  censors  were  by  no 
means  clear  nor  unanimous  as  to  the  precise  point  they 
themselves  would  regard  as  truth.  Many  began  to  dis- 
cover in  the  writings  of  the  venerated  Origen,  expres- 
sions inconsistent  with  their  favorite  tenet ;  and  conse- 
quently the  enmity  against  him,  which  had  hitherto 
been  confined  to  a  few  individuals,  instantly  spread  to 
a  considerable  extent.  Some  became  satisfied,  un- 
doubtedly from  candid  examination,  that  if  he  were  not' 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  I55 

really  heretical,  he  had  given  too  much  occasion  to 
error ;  but  others,  having  gathered  up  some  of  his  more 
adventurous  speculations  concerning  the  Godhead,  broke 
out  into  clamor,  and  pronounced  him,  at  once,  a  here- 
tic. And  there  were  others  again,  unable  to  read  the 
Greek,  who  took  up  against  him  on  mere  report;  of 
which,  as  is  usual  in  such  cases,  the  loud  tone  of  hatred 
and  abuse,  was  much  sooner  heard,  than  the  still,  small 
voice  of  truth  and  commendation.  They  accused  him 
of  various  and  opposite  errors;  and  so  manifest  was  the 
falsehood  of  most  of  their  charges,  that  nothing  could 
more  conclusively  demonstrate  the  unreasonable  motives 
of  the  attack.  So  high  did  the  indignation  rise,  that 
even  those  who  only  read  his  writings,  or  cherished  his 
reputation,  were  severely  censured™. 

This  angry  commotion,  though  in  reality  so  insignifi- 
cant that  we  cannot  now  ascertain  its  authors,  was  then 
regarded   as  sufficiently  formidable  to  require   a  public 
defence  of  Origen ;  and  two  distinguished  admirers  of 
his  writings,  who  held  offices  in  the   church  where  he 
himself  had  flourished   sixty  or  seventy  years  before, 
undertook  the  work.     Pamphikis,  a  learned  presbyter 
of  Cesarea  in  Palestine,   and  Eusebius,  his  fellow  pres- 
byter, the  renowned  father  of  eclesiastical 
A.  D  307,     history,  wrote  a  large  and  labored  Apology 
to  310.      for   Origen;  in  part  of  which  they  stated 
and  thoroughly  canvassed  the  accusations 
brought  against  his  doctrine.     Happily  for  us,  this  part 
which  was  the  first  book  of  the  work,  is  still  extant,  in 
the  Latin  translation  of  Rufinus.     The  authors  formally 

m    Pamphili    Praefat.    ad    Apolog.    pro  Origene,   compared   with 
Apolog,  cap.  V,  &c.  inter  Origenis  Opera,  Edit.  Delarue,  Tom.  iv. 


156  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

arrange  the  charges  of  his  enemies  against  him,  in  the 
following  order:  "1.  They  [his  accusers~\  say  he  as- 
'  serted  that  the  Son  of  God  is  unbegotten  ;  2.  they 
*  accuse  him  of  teaching,  like  the  Valentinians,  that  the 
'  Son  of  God  came  into  existence  by  emanation  ;  3. 
'  they  charge  him,  contrary  to  the  former  accusations, 
'  of  holding  with  Artemas  and  Paul  of  Samosata,  that 
'  Christ,  the  Son  of  God,  was  a  mere  man,  and  not 
'  God  ;  4.  next,  they  contradict  all  these  charges  by 
'  saying  (so  blind  is  malice,)  that  he  taught  that  it 
'  was  only  in  appearance  the  Saviour  performed  the 
'  deeds  ascribed  to  him,  and  that  the  history  of  him  is 
'  but  an  allegory,  not  a  reality ;  5.  another  charge  they 
'^bring,  is,  that  he  taught  there  w^ere  two  Christs ;  6. 
'  they  add  that  he  w'holly  denied  the  literal  accounts 
'  w  hich  the  scriptures  give  of  the  lives  of  the  saints  ; 
'  7.  they  calumniously  attack  him  on  the  resurrection 
'  of  the  dead,  and  the  punishment  of  the  impious  ;  ac- 
'  cusing  him  of  denying  that  torments  are  to  be  inflict- 
'  ed  on  sinners  ;  S.  they  censure  some  of  his  arguments 
'  oi"  opinions  concerning  the  soul,  [i.  e.  its  pre-exist- 
'  ence  ;]  9.  the  last  charge  of  all,  which  is  circulated 
'  in  every  shape  of  infamy,  is,  that  he  asserted  that 
'  human  souls  will,  after  death,  be  changed  into  dumb 
'  animals,  either  reptiles  or  quadrupeds  ;  and  also  that 
'  brutes  have  rational  souls  :  which  charge  w^e  have 
'placed  last,  that  w^e  may  collect  the  more  testimonies 
'  from  his  books,  to  render  the  falsehood  of  it  the 
'plainer.  Now,"  continue  they,  "observing  the  or- 
'  der  of  the  charges  above  stated,  we  will  begin  with 
'  the    first"".     They    accordingly   proceed  with  them 

1  Apolog.  pro  Origene.  cap.  v. 


vl]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  I57 

in  course ;  and  by  adducing  copious  extracts  from  Ori- 
gen's  own  writings,  successfully  defend  him  from  each 
of  the  accusations,  except  the  eighth,  which  relates  to 
the  pre-existence  of  human  souls.  This,  they  admit, 
was  truly  his  sentiment ;  but  they  excuse  it  as  being 
probably  correct,  or  at  least  of  no  consequence,  even  if 
erroneous. 

VI.  We  cannot  discover  in  all  this  affair,  that  his 
doctrine  of  Universal  Salvation  was  regarded  as  censura- 
ble ;  and  an  incidental  circumstance  shows  that  his 
learned  Apologists  neither  knew  that  he  had  ever  been 
reproached  for  that  tenet,  nor  suspected  that  it  could  oc- 
casion any  odium  whatever.  For  when  they  come  to 
defend  him  against  the  latter  item  in  the  seventh  charge, 
that  is,  against  the  charge  of  having  denied  all  future 
punishment,  they  select,  among  several  other  testimonies 
from  his  works,  two  distinct  paragraphs,  in  which  he 
had  as  usual  spoken  of  torments  to  be  hereafter  in- 
flicted by  fire;  but  in  which  he,  at  the  same  time, 
represented  them  as  altogether  remedial :  "  we  are  to 
"  understand,"  said  he,  "  that  God,  our  physician,  in  or- 
"  der  to  remove  those  disorders  which  our  souls  con- 
"  tract  from  various  sins  and  abominations,  uses  tliat 
"  painful  mode  of  cure,  and  brings  those  torments  of 
"  fire  upon  such  as  have  lost  the  health  of  the  soul,  just 
"  as  an  earthly  physician,  in  extreme  cases,  subjects  his 
"  patients  to  cautery."  "  And  Isaiah  teaches  that  the 
"  punishment  said  to  be  inflicted  by  fire,  is  very  need- 
"  ful ;  saying  of  Israel,  the  Lord  shall  wash  away  the 
''^  filth  of  the  sons  and  daughters  of  Zion,  and  purge  the 
14 


158  THE  ANCIENT  rilSTORY  [Chap. 

"  blood  from  their  midst,  by  the  spirit  of  judgment,  and 
"  the  spirit  of  burning.   (Isa.  iv.  4.)"  &lc°. 

This  testimony  from  Origen,  like  a  thousand  other 
passages  which  might  have  been  selected  from  his  writ- 
ings, was,  indeed,  an  effectual  refutation  of  the  particu- 
lar charge  brought  aganist  him ;  but  it  was,  at  the  same 
time,  a  proof  that  he  regarded  future  punishment  as  pu- 
rifying and  salutary.  Had  this  sentiment  been  obnox- 
ious at  that  day,  Pamphilus  and  Eusebius  would 
rather  have  avoided  such  passages,  than  have  obtruded 
them,  thus  unnecessarily,  upon  the  attention  of  his  cap- 
tious enemies;  lest  in  defending  him  from  an  accusation 
so  easily  refuted,  they  should  bring  upon  him  one  that 
could  never  be  removed.  And  we  may  add,  that  their 
introducing  such  passages,  without  remark,  while  main- 
taining that  Origen  was  sound  in  the  faith,  gives,  at 
least,  some  color  of  probability  to  the  charge,  which  was 
nearly  a  century  afterwards  brought  ^  against  them,  of 
holding  with  him  the  doctrine  of  Universal  Restitution, 
as  well  as  that  of  Pre-existence.  Of  Pamphilus  there 
is  nothing  else  extant ;  so  that  in  his  case,  this  appear- 
ance can  neither  be  confirmed  nor  removed.  And  it 
would  probably  be  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  deter- 
mine, from  tbe  numerous  works  which  Eusebius  after- 
wards pubhshed,  what  was  his  opinion  on  this  subject^. 


o  Apol.  pro  Origene  cap.  [viii.  p  By  Jerome,  Lib.  ii.  Ad- 

versus  Rufinum,  p.  407.  Tom.  iv.  Part.  ii.  Edit.  Martianay ;  and  af- 
terwards by  an  anonymous  writer  cfthe  sixth  century',  published  by 
R.  P.  Lupo.  See  Delarue's  Admonitio  in  ;Apolog.  S.  Pamphili  pro 
Origene.  Both  of  these  authors,  however,  seem  to  have  grossly  mis- 
represented, at  least,  the  circumstances  of  the  case.  a  I  have 
not  access  to  all  the    works  of  Eusebius ;     but  judge  'this    state- 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  159 

Both,  however,  were  ardent  admirers  of  Origen's  wtU- 
ings  ;  a  large  part  of  which,  the  former  had  laborious- 
ly transcribed,  with  his  own  hand,  for  a  famous  ecclesi- 
astical library,  which  he  established  at  Cesarea.  The 
two  friends  had  likewise  pubhshed  corrected  copies  of 
the  Septuagint,  taken  from  the  Hexapla.  We  may  add, 
that  Eusebius  has  been  accused  of  holding  Origen's 
peculiar  notion,  that  human  bodies,  at  the  resurrection, 
will  be  of  an  aerial  substance  \ 

VII.  Pamphilus  was  thrown  into  prison  at  Cesarea, 
in  the  year  307,  by  the  heathen  persecutors ;  and  Eu- 
sebius either  underwent  the  same  sentence,  or  volunta- 
rily shared  his  confinement.  It  was  here,  that  the  two 
friends  began  the  Apology  ;  but  when  they  had  pro- 
ceeded to  the  end  of  the  fifth  book,  Pamphilus  was  re- 
leased from  his  bonds,  and  led  forth  to  martyrdom. 
This  was  in  the  year  309.  Eusebius  then  added  the 
sixth,  or  last,  book  to  the  common  work,  and  dedicated 
the  whole  to  those  christians  who  were  condenmed  to 
labor  as  slaves  in  the  mines  of  Palestine  ^ 

Eusebius  survived  to  witness  the  most  eventful  and 
momentous  change  which  the  church  has  ever  experi- 
enced. He  was  elevated  to  the  bishopric  of  Cesarea, 
about  A.  D.  313,  when  Christianity  first  received  a  full 
and  effectual  toleration;  and  in  succeeding  years  he 
beheld  it  continually  rising  in  the  favor  of  Constantino, 
till  it  was,  at  length,  declared  the  establish- 
A.  D.  324.  ed  rehgion  of  the  empire.  Amidst  the 
scenes  of  security  and  worldly  splendor, 

ment  correct,  from  the  general  character  of  his  writings,  and  from  thB 
Bilence  of  all  the  ancient  fathers  and  modern  critics.  r  Photii 

Epist.  144.  s  Delarue  Admonit.  in  Apolog.  pro  Origene. 


1(30  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

which  nov/  succeeded  the  long  and  tempestuous  reign 
of  persecution,  the  bishop  of  Cesarea,  high  in  the  impe- 
rial favor,  often  looked  back,  in  tender  remembrance,  to 
his  early  associate  and  martyred  friend ;  and  as  a 
testimonial  of  an  affection  which  neither  time  nor  hon- 
ors could  extinguish,  he  wrote  his  life,  and  took  upon 
himself  the  surname  of  Pamphilus.  That  his  admira- 
tion also  of  Origen  did  not  diminish  with  increasing 
years,  we  find  ample  proof  in  his  Ecclesiastical  History^ 
and  in  his  succeeding  works.  He  was  by  far  the  most 
learned  bishop  of  his  time  ;  and  what  is  greater  praise, 
he  was  moderate  and  unaspiring,  in  an  age  of  cler- 
ical \dolence  and  ambition.  Though  the  favorite  of 
Constantine,  he  never  abused  his  influence  either  for 
personal  or  party  purposes ;  and  when  the  great  bishop- 
ric of  Antioch  was  offered  him  on  the  deposition  of  Eu- 
stathius,  he  declined  exchanging  his  own  diocess  of 
Cesarea,  for  that  of  all  the  East,  the  third  for  dignity 
in  Christendom. 

The  latter  part  of  his  life  was  disturbed  by  the  unho- 
ly and  cruel  contest  which  began  to  rage  between  the 
Arians  and  Trinitarians ;  in  which  he  often  concurred 
in  the  measures  of  the  former,  though  he  did  not  ap- 
prove their  doctrine.  They  were,  in  his  time,  the  in- 
jured party.  Whether  his  views  on  the  contested  ques- 
tion itself,  were  fully  orthodox,  is  disputed  ;  and  it  is 
certain  that  in  the  famous  Council  of  Nice,  he  not  only 
urged  the  petulant  bishops  to  adopt  such  a  Declaration 
of  Faith  as  both  parties  could  receive,  but  that  he  also 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  Igl 

refused  to  subscribe  their  Creed,   except  with  an  inter- 
pretation of  his  own  . 

VIII.  The  Arian  controversy,  to  which  we  have  just 
alluded,  began  at  Alexandria,  about  A.  D.  317,  bringing 
a  dark  cloud  over  the  church,  in  the  very  morning  of  her 
political  establishment.  It  spread,  instantly,  hke  a  con- 
flagration, over  all  Egypt,  and  soon  involved  Europe 
and  Asia.  The  great  and  imposing  synod  of  all  Chris- 
tendom, which  assembled,  A.  D.  325,  at  Nice,  in  Asia 
Minor,  was  called  together,  by  the  Emperor,  with  the 
vain  hope  of  determining  this  dispute ;  but  though  it 
managed  to  decide  against  Arius,  by  an  almost  unanim- 
ous decree,  that  the  Son  was  Consubstantial  with  the 
Father,  it  resulted  only  in  dignifying  the  contention,  and 
enraging  the  temper  of  the  partisans.  These  separated  in- 
to three  divisions  :  the  Consuhstantialists,ox'^dLXvonsoi\hQ 
Nicene  Creed ;  the  Semi-Arians,  a  sort  of  imperfect 
trinitarians ;  and  the  Arians,  who  held  that  Christ  was 
properly  a  created  being.  A  most  disgraceful  scene 
followed,  till  toward  the  close  of  this  century.  Coun- 
cil against  council  assembled,  and  deliberately  opposed 
falsehood  to  falsehood,  and  fraud  to  fraud  ;  deposi- 
tion and  excommunication  were  decreed,  as  either  par- 
ty gained  a  momentary  ascendancy  in  the  church; 
the  imperial  authority  obsequiously  enforced  the  mad 
decrees  alternately  of  each  sect,  till  it  filled  the  deserts 
of  Egypt,  and  the  remote  regions  of  the  empire  with 
exiled  bishops ;  and  the   furious  rabble  on  both  sides, 

t  Jortin  (Remarks  on  Eccl.  Hist.  Vol.  iii.)  treats  largely  and  im- 
partially of  Eusebius's  character. 

14* 


162  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

at  length  resorted  to  riots  and  massacres,  to  gratify 
their  revenue,  or  to  exercise  their  malicious  zeal.  The 
heathens,  from  whom  the  power  of  persecution  had 
been  so  lately  transferred,  might  have  consoled  tliem- 
selves  in  prospect  of  its  being  more  effectually  exert- 
ed in  the  self-destroying  hands  of  a  divided  and  fac- 
tious national  church. 

Into  this  scene  of  contention  we  must  now 
A.  D.  320,  follow  the  history  of  Origen's  doctrine.  It 
to  360.  does  not,  indeed,  appear  to  have  been,  at 
first,  so  deeply  involved  as  some  writers 
intimate.  The  virulent  attacks  from  wdiich  Pamphilus 
and  Eusebius  had  defended  him,  seem  to  have  subsided; 
and  all  the  concern  that  his  name,  or  his  writings,  had 
with  the  grand  controversy,  till  some  time  past  the  mid- 
dle of  this  century,  may  be  described  in  few  words. 
As  his  great  authority  would  give  considerable  ad- 
vantage to  any  cause  in  which  it  was  exerted,  the  sev- 
eral parties  gladly  availed  themselves  of  it,  whenever  it 
could  be  brought  to  operate  in  their  favor;  but  on  the 
contrary,  when  it  seemed  to  oppose  their  views,  they 
would  naturally  endeavor  to  depreciate  it.  The  Arians, 
however,  do  not  appear  to  have  been  very  confident  of 
securing  the  patronage  of  his  name,  though  some  of  them 
claimed  him  for  their  own  ;  but  of  the  two  other  parties, 
the  Semi-Arians  were  generally  his  professed  admirers  ; 
and  the  ConsubstantiaHsts  also  appealed  to  his  testi- 
mony, as  full  and  exphcit  upon  their  own  side.  Only 
one  of  them,  so  far  as  we  know,  IMarcellus,  bishop  of 
Ancyra  in   Galatia,  incidentally  impeached  the  sound- 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  jg3 

ness  of  his  faith  conceraing  tlie  trinity".  This  was  about 
A.  D.  330.  But  he  was  an  author  whose  complaint  could 
have  little  weight,  as  it  was  suspected  that  his  zeal  against 
the  damnable  heresy  of  Arius,  had  precipitated  him, 
on  the  other  hand,  into  the  perdition  of  Sabellianism. 
The  guardian  Genius  of  the  Nicene  faith,  the  great  and 
intrepid  Athanasius,  always  quoted  Origen  as  orthodox ; 
Hilary  of  Poictiers  in  France,  the  ablest  and  most  ac- 
tive defender  of  the  same  faith,  in  the  West,  became 
an  imitator  of  his  writings  ;  and  so  did  Eusebius  Ver- 
cellensis'',  another  Athanasian  bishop  of  distinction,  who 
presided  over  the  churches  scattered  around  the  sources 
of  the  Eridanus,  or  modern  Po,  in  Italy.  This  exam- 
ple of  tlieir  leaders  was  followed  by  most  of  the  party. 
Some  years  afterwards,  or  about  A.  D.  370,  when  Ba- 
sil the  Great,  Didymus,  and  the  two  Gregories  Nazian- 
zen  and  Nyssen,  stood  at  the  head  of  the  Consubstan- 
tialists  in  the  East,  we  find  them  among  Origen's  warm- 
est admirers,  defending  him  from  the  occasional  claims 
of  the  Arians.  This  sketch,  though  brief,  is  a  pretty 
full  account  of  the  treatment  his  name  experienced  in 
the  Arian  dispute,  till  A.  D.  360,  and  indeed  till  sever- 
al years  later. 

IX.  On  certain  other  subjects,  however,  not  imme- 
diately connected  with  the  main  controversy,  he  was 
once  attacked,  during  this  period,  in  a  formal  manner, 
and  with   a  very  angry  spirit,  by  Eustathius,  an  eminent 

n  Eusebii  Contra  Marcell.  Lib.  i.  See  Du  Pin's  Biblioth.  Patr. 
Art.  Eusebius  Pamphilus.  ^  Hieronymi  Epist.  hxxiv.  ad  Au- 

gustin.  Tom.  iv.  Part.  ii.  p.  627;    and  Epist.  xxxvi.  ad  Vigilant,  p. 


154  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

orthodox  bishop  of  the  East.  This  prelate  had  been 
ti'anslated  from  the  bishopric  of  Beroea,  the  modern 
Aleppo,  to  the  great  see  of  Antioch,  about  the  time  of 
the  Nicene  council ;  but  in  A.  D.  330,  he  Avas  deposed 
by  an  Arian  faction,  and  as  we  have  observed  his  arch- 
bishopric was"  offered,  though  in  vain,  to  Eusebius  Pam- 
philus,  who  had  concurred  with  his  adversaries.  Wheth- 
er it  was  after  this  deposition,  that  Eustathius  made  his 
attack  upon  Origen,  cannot  be  determined  ;  nor  wheth- 
er it  was  his  motive  to  mortify  his  hated  rival  of  Cesarea, 
by  bringing  a  general  odium  on  the  favorite  father,  whom 
that  learned  historian  had  so  highly  extolled.  But  he 
published,  at  what  time  is  unknown  ^^,  a  treatise  against 
Origen,  in  which  he  assailed  him  with  much  asperity, 
and  fooHshly  charged  him  with  lying  against  the  scrip- 
tures, and  with  endeavoring  to  introduce  idolatry  and 
magic  into  the  church.  The  professed  object  of  his  book 
was,  like  that  of  the  Pythoness  of  Methodius,  to  prove 
that  it  was  not  the  soul  of  the  prophet  Samuel,  that  the 
Witch  of  Endor  raised,  as  Origen  had  somewhere  as- 
serted, but  only  a  phantom  produced  by  the  imposture 
of  the  devil.  He  frequently  takes  occasion,  however, 
to  rail  against  several  other  notions  of  Origen,  particu- 
larly against  his  views  of  the  resurrection,  and  his 
extravagant  allegories.  Of  the  latter  he  recites  and 
misrepresents  numerous  instances,  Avith  the  manifest  de- 
sign to   expose  his  doctrine  in  the  worst  possible  light; 


w  There  is  much  uncertainty  in  the  history  of  Eustathius.  Some 
think  he  died  about  a,  d.  337;  others,  that  he  Uved  till  about  a.  d. 
360.  See  Cave,  Hist.  Literaria,  and  Du  Pin's  Bibliotheca  Pat.  Art. 
Eustathius. 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  I55 

but  in  all  this  learned  bishop's  reproaches,  which  fell 
even  upon  Origen's  style  of  writing,  Universalism,  it 
seems,  escaped  with  impunity^.  And  what  is  equally 
remarkable,  this  was  likewise  the  case  amidst  all  tlie 
clamor  of  the  Arian  controversy,  so  far  as  we  have  just 
surveyed  it. 

The  next  attack  upon  him  was  that  of  ApoUinarius 
the  Younger,  a  learned  bishop  and  distinguished  writer 
of  Laodicea  in  Phrygia,  who  was  afterwards  condemned 
for  Sabellianism.  He  is  said  to  have  written  against 
Origen,  not  far,  probably,  from  A.  D.  360  ;  but  on 
what  points  is  unknow^n,  except  that  it  was  not  on  the 
doctrine  of  the  trinity^.  This  completes^  the  account 
of  censures  upon  his  sentiments  till  we  arrive  at  the 
year  376,  when  the  attack  of  Epiphanius  will  come  un- 
der our  notice. 

X.  Such  was  the  general  character  of  the  proceed- 
ings relative  to  Origen  and  his  sentiments,  and  such  the 

X  Eustath.  de  Engrastriniytho,  adversus  Origenem.  1  have  notbeen- 
able  to  find  this  book,  and  have  therefore  drawn  my  account  from 
the  notices  of  it  scattered  through  Huetii  Origeniana,  and  from: 
Du  Pin's  abstract,  Bibhoth.  Patr.  Art.   Eustathius.  y  Theo- 

phiH  Alexandrini  Paschal.  Lib.  i.  inter  Hieronymi  Opera,  Tom.  iv.. 
p.  CC4,  Edit.  Martianay.     And  Socratis  Hist.  Eccl.  Lib.  vi.  cap.  13. 

2  Cave  mistakes  when  he  says,  in  his  Life  of  Origen,  §  29,  (Lives 
of  the  Fathers)  that  Athanasius  indirectly  condemned  his  notion  of 
the  end  of  hell-torments  ;  for  the  piece  to  which  he  refers  (Testi- 
monia  ex  Sac.  Script,  de  Nat.  Commun.  simil.  Essent.  inter  Pat-  et 
Fil.  et  Spirit.  Sanct.)  is  not  Athanasius's,  but  a  much  later  author's. 
See  Cave,  Hist.  Literaria,  and  Du  Pin's  Bibhoth.  Pat.  Art.  Athana- 
sius, and  the  Benedictine  Editors'  Preface  to  that  piece  in  Athanasii 
Opera,  Tom.ii.  p.  3. 

If  Huet  (Origeniana,  Lib.  ii.  cap.  4,  Sect.  i.  §  5,)  alluded,  as  I 
think  he  did,  to  Vitse  Sancti  Antonii  cap.  75,  for  Athanasius's  covert 
censure  of  Origen's  notion  of  the  lapse  of  souls,  he  also  mistook  ;  for 
the  passage  regards  only  the  notions  of  heathens  on  that  point,  not 
Origen's. 


166  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

peculiar  circumstances  and  facts  we  have  narrated,  as 
to  show,  satisfactorily,  that  the  doctrine  of  Universal 
Restoration  was  regarded,  in  the  church,  as  neither 
heretical  nor  even  unpopular;  and  that  the  standard  of 
orthodoxy,  so  far  as  it  concerned  that  particular  point, 
was  then  supposed  to  require  only  a  beUef  in  future 
punishment.  Still,  we  must  not  thence  conclude  that 
the  fathers  of  this  age  were,  in  general,  decided  Uni- 
versalists.  Many  of  them  had,  probably,  no  definite 
opinion  at  all  upon  a  subject  which  had  never  under- 
gone the  ordeal  of  controversy ;  and  several  would 
seem  to  have  believed  in  endless  misery.  This  will 
be  sufficiently  apparent,  if  we  select  some  of  the  strong- 
est expressions  which  the  more  distinguished  of  them 
indulged  respecting  the  fate  of  the  damned.  Every 
body  knows  that  the  first,  in  influence, 
A.  D.  347,  among  the  orthodox  at  this  time,  was 
to  370.  Athanasius  :  "  Repent,"  says  he,  "  lest 
"  at  any  time  your  soul  should  be  snatch- 
"  ed  away  by  death ;  for  none  can  deliver  those  who, 
"  on  account  of  tlieir  sins,  are  confined  in  hell  ^."  Yet 
the  same  author  held  that  Christ  descended  to  hell, 
or  the  place  of  the  dead,  after  his  crucifixion,  and 
released  the  saints  of  the  old  dispensation,  and  likewise 
the  souls  of  such  Gentiles  as  had,  before  his  coming, 
lived  virtuously  according  to  the  light  of  nature  ^.  This, 
too,  was  the  opinion  of  Cyrill ",  bishop  of  Jerusalem ; 

a  Athanasii  Exposit.  in  Psalm,  xlix.  Tom.  i.  p.  1086.  Edit.  Paris. 
1693.  b  Du  Pin's  Biblioth.  Pat.  An.  Athanasius. 

^  Cyrilli  Hierosolymit.  Catechesis  iv.  cap.8j  and  Catechesis  Mys- 
tagogica  v. 


^^.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  167 

whom  we  might  also  pronoance  a  believer  in  endless 
misery,  if  his  frequent  application  of  the  word  everlast- 
ing to  punishment,  were  proof.     At   the  future  coming 
of  Christ  to  the  general  Judgment,  then  just  at  hand, 
and  which  is  described,  he  thinks,  in  the  last  chapter 
of  Daniel,  and  m  the  twenty  fourth  and  twenty  fifth  of 
St.  JMatthew,  the  just  were  to  be  admitted  to  eternal 
life,    and   the    wicked  consigned    to    everlasting   fire*^. 
We  may  venture,  nevertheless,  to  assert  that  neither  of 
these  two  bishops  regarded  Universalism  with  any  an- 
tipathy.     Ephraim    the  SjTian,  a  gloomy,   rigid,    and 
somewhat  fanatical  monk  of  Mesopotamia,  but  stih   a 
very  eminent  writer,  asserted  that  "  there  is  no  con- 
"  fession  in  hell ;    no  tears,  no  groans,  can  there  avert 
"the  sentence  of  the   Judge.     There  will,  no  longer, 
"  be  any  time    to  repent.       There    is  no  return  after 
"  death ;    but  every  thing  terrible  and    severe  falls  on 
"  those  who  have  lost  the  opportunity  for  repentance  ®." 
In  the  western  church,  the  celebrated  Hilary,  bishop 
of  Poictiers,  taught,  with  a  slight  variation  from   what 
Lactantius  had    advanced,   that  in  the    general  judg- 
ment neither  the  pious  nor  the  infidels  are  to  be  airaign- 
ed;    because  Christ  had  said  He  that  believeth  on  me 
shall  not  be  judged,  and  jHe  that  believeth  not,  is  con- 
demned  already.       The  judgment,    accordingly,    shall 
be  for  those  only  who  hold  a  middle  grade  between 
these  two  characters  f.      And  such,  he  probably  held, 
would  be  saved,  after  suffering  the  arrears  due  them 

d    Catechesis,  XV.  e  Ephrsem  Syri  Lib.De  Extreme  Judi- 

cio  cap.  4.  f  Hilarii  Enarratio  in  PsaJm.  i. 


16S  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

from  justice ;  while  the  case  of  the  obstinate  infidels 
would  be  utterly  hopeless.  But  still  it  was  his  opinion 
that  all  mankind,  even  the  very  holiest,  must  pass 
through  the  intense  and  painful  fire  of  the  general  con- 
flagration :  the  Virgin  Mary  herself  cannot  be  exempted 
from  this  terrible  purification ;  for  Simeon  had  fore- 
warned her  that  a  sword  should  pierce  her  own  soul  also. 
(Luke  ii.  35^.)  As  Hilary  had  been  an  exile  in 
Phrygia,  he  may  have  obtained  some  of  these  notions 
among  the  eastern  christians ;  and  perhaps  from  read- 
ing Origen's  works  in  particular,  which  he  certainly 
admired  and  imitated. 

XI.  There  were,  however,  some  decided 
A.  D.  360,  Universalists  among  the  orthodox  bishops 
to  370.  of  this  age.  About  forty  miles  east  of  the 
river  Jordan,  beyond  the  hilly  tract  of  the 
ancient  Perea,  the  traveller  descends  upon  a  spacious, 
barren  plain,  where  vestiges  of  forgotten  towns  appear, 
here  and  there,  and  a  few  sunken  reservoirs  still  sup- 
ply the  wandering  hordes,  and  the  regular  caravans,  with 
•water  preserved  from  the  winter  torrents.  Traversing 
this  neglected  waste  to  the  distance  of  a  dozen  or  fif- 
teen miles  still  eastward,  he  arrives  at  the  ruins  of  an 
ancient  city,  near  the  borders  of  the  Desert  Arabia. 
Fragments  of  the  old  walls,  remains  of  a  splendid 
temple,  of  triumphal  arches,  of  a  church  and  monastery, 
and  of  a  great  mosque,  together  with  numberless  pillars 
broken  and  lying  among  rose-trees  in  bloom,  indicate 
the  site  of  the  ancient  Bostra^.     In  the  fourth  century 

g  Enarratio  in  Psalm,  cxviii.  liier,  Gimel.  h  D'AnvHle's  An- 

cient Geography,    vol.  i.p.   425  ;    and  Burckhardt's  Travels  in  Sy- 


vi.}  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  jgg 

it  was  a  populous  city,  the  capital  of  a  small  province  to 
which  the  vanity  of  the  Roman  conquerors  had  ar- 
rogantly appropriated  the  name  of  Arabia.  At  the 
period  of  which  we  write,  Titus,  a  bishop  of  considera- 
ble eminence,  presided  here,  over  the  churches  in  this 
district,  and  numbered  among  his  own  christian  flock  half 
the  inhabitants  of  the  city.  Though  he  appears  to  have 
published  several  works,  none  remain  except  part  of  his 
books  Against  the  Manicheans,  written,  it  is  thought, 
about  A.  D.  364.  He  says  that  the  "  abyss  of  hell  is, 
"  indeed,  the  place  of  torment ;  but  it  is  not  eternal,  nor 
"did  it  exist  in  the  original  constitution  of  nature. 
"  It  was  made  afterwards,  as  a  remedy  for  sinners,  that 
"  it  might  cure  them.  And  the  punishments  are  holy, 
"  as  they  are  remedial  and  salutary  in  their  effect  up- 
"  on  transgressors ;  for  they  are  inflicted,  not  to  pre- 
"  serve  them  in  their  wickedness,  but  to  make  them 
"cease  from  their  wickedness.  The  anguish  of  their 
"  sufiering  compels  them  to  break  off  their  vices '." 
His  representation  of  this  point,  after  passing  unre- 
proached  through  all  the  contests  of  antiquity,  has,  in 
modern  ages,  attracted  the  notice  of  our  ecclesiastical 
critics,  and  engaged  them  in  the  contrary  attempts  of 
exposing,    and  of  exculpating,  the   author-*.     It  is  re- 

ria  and  the  Holy  Land.  pp.  226—236.  London  1822.  N.  B.  On  most 
maps  Bostra,  or  Bosra,  is  placed  much  too  far  north.  It  is  directly 
east  from  the  ancient  Bethsan,  or  Scythopolis,  in  Palestine. 

i  Titi  Bostriensis  Contra  Manichasos  Lib.  i.  p.  85.  N.  B.  This 
work  is  published  only  in  Canisii  Lector,  and  in  the  great  Bibliotheca 
Patrum  ,  to  neither  of  which  I  have  access.  I  therefore  quote  from 
Ceilleir's  Histoire  des  Auteurs  Sacres  et  Ecclesiastiques,  Tom.  vi. 
chap.  6,  p.  54.  j  Tillemont,  though  a  most  strenuous  defend- 

er of  the  fathers,  is  candid  enough  to  acknowledge  (Memoires  Eccl. 
Tom.  vi.p.  671,)  that  "  Titus  seems  to  have  followed  the  dangerous 

15 


170  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

markable  that  he  contended  that  death,  as  well  as  every 
other  dispensation  of  providence,  viras  designed  for  the 
benefit  both  of  the  just,  and  of  the  unjust^ ;  and  that  he 
maintained  against  the  Manicheans,  that,  even  in  this 
world,  mankind  are  happy  or  miserable,  according  to 
their  virtue  or  vice.  With  the  doctrine  of  original  sin, 
he  seems  to  have  been  utterly  unacquainted ;  and  he 
supposed  that  human  agency  was  fully  adequate,  with- 
out any  supernatural  control,  to  do  good  as  well  as 
evil^ 

Of  the  events  of  his  life,  we  know  little  more  than 
that,  like  most  of  the  distinguished  orthodox  bishops  of 
this  time,  he  was  honored  with  the  notice  and  the  perse- 
cution of  the  emperor  JuUan.  In  tlie  year  362,  this 
zealous  apostate  endeavored  to  excite  the  people  of 
Bostra  to  expel  their  bishop  ;  but  the  influence  of  the 
prelate  seems  to  have  prevailed  over  the  exhortation  of 
the  sovereign,  and  the  malicious  attempt  to  have  proved 
ineffectual.  On  the  accession  of  Jovian  to  the  empire 
in  A.  D.  363,  Titus  attended  the  council  of  Antioch 
under  Meletius ;  and  though  his  name  appears,  with 
thosis  of  some  other  orthodox  bishops,  among  the  sub- 
scriptions to  a  Semi-Arian  explanation  of  the  Nicene 
Creed™,  he  nevertheless  seems  to  have  been  consider- 
ed one  of  the  Athanasian  party.  He  died,  it  is  thought, 
about  A.  D.  370. 


"  error  ascribed  to  Origen,  that  the  pains  of  the  damned,  and  even 
"  those  of  the  demons  themselves,  will  not  be  eternal."  But  Ceilleir 
has  the  hardihood  to  plead  that  the  passage  is  not  clear,  &c. 

k  Contra  Manic h.  Lib.  ii.  p.  107, 112.  See  the  quotations  in  Ceilleir, 
p.  51.  1  Du  Pin's  Bibliotheca  Pat.  Art.  Titus  of  Bostra. 

m  Socratis  Hist.  Eccl.  Lib.  iii.  cap.  21. 


vi.]  OF  UNI  VERS  ALISM.  171 

XII.  More  learned  and  classical  than 
A.  D.  370.  Athanasius,  and  next  to  him  in  weight  of 
authority  among  the  orthodox  of  the  East, 
was  Basil  the  Great,  bishop  of  Cesarea  in  Cappadocia. 
With  a  constitution  naturally  feeble  and  broken  moreo- 
ver by  monkish  austerities,  he  possessed  a  strong  mind, 
a  courageous  resolution,  a  temper  active,  but  too  ambi- 
tious, and  an  eloquence  of  a  manly  and  noble  kind.  Of 
his  views  respecting  the  doctrine  under  consideration, 
we  cannot  pronounce  with  confidence,  as  his  language 
is  not  uniform,  nor  always  reconcileable.  He  repeated- 
ly states,  at  considerable  length,  that  those  who,  after 
baptism,  indulge  in  sins,  however  heinous,  and  die  under 
the  guilt  of  them,  are  to  be  purified  in  the  fire  of  the 
general  judgment  °  :  distinguishing  them,  however,  from 
such  as  have  never  professed  Christianity.  Yet,  at  aao- 
ther  time,  while  admonishing  one  of  those  very  charac- 
ters, he  conceals  that  notion,  and  for  the  sake,  perhaps, 
of  striking  the  greater  terror,  asserts  tliat  their  future 
torments  "  will  have  no  end,"  and  that  "  there  is  no  re- 
"  lease,  no  way  to  flee  from  them,  after  death.  Now  is 
"  the  time  in  which  we  are  allowed  to  escape  them  °." 
On  the  contrary,  again,  he  sometimes  represents  the  puri- 
fying and  salutary  operation  of  future  fire  or  punishment 
as  extending,  without  distinction,  to  guilty  souls  in  gene- 
ral :  Commenting  on  these  words  of  Isaiah,  (ix.  19,  Sep- 
tuagint  version)  because  of  the  wrath  of  the  Lord,  the 
whole  earth  is  Jcindled  into  flamey  and  the  jpeople  shall 

n  BasilU  CommeBt,  in  Cap.  iv.  4,  Esai8e,and  cap.  xi.  16,  &c.  Edit 
Paris.  1637*  o  Basilii  Epist*  ad  Virginem  lapsam,  Tom;  iii< 

p:18. 


172  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

he  as  though  they  were  burnt  up  withfire^  Basil  says, 
"  tlie  prophet  declares  that,  for  the  benefit  of  the  soul,  the 
"  earthly  things  are  to  be  consumed  by  penal  fire  ;  even 
"  as  Christ  himself  intimates,  saying,  I  have  come  to  send 
^^jire  upon  the  earth;  what  would  I,  except  that  it  he 
"  kindled'^  (Luke  xii.  49.)  And  the  prophet  adds, 
''^  the  people  shall  he  as  though  they  were  burnt  up  with 
^^fire  :  he  does  not  threaten  an  absolute  extermination, 
"  but  intimates  a  purification,  according  to  the  sentiment 
"  of  the  apostle,  that  if  any  one's  work  he  burned,  he 
"  shall  suffer  loss,  hut  he  himself  shall  be  saved,  yet  so  as 
"by  fire.  (1  Cor.  iii.  15.)^"  From  this  solitary  passage 
we  can  only  suspect  that  our  author  was,  at  times,  in- 
clined to  Universalism. 

His  own  brother,  the  bishop  of  Nyssa,  was  a  Univer- 
saiist ;  and  his  most  intimate  friend,  Gregory  Nazian- 
zen,  may  in  some  sense  merit  that  appellation.  Like 
them,  Basil  was  a  professed  admirer  of  Origen's  writings  ; 
and  with  the  assistance  of  the  latter,  he  selected  from 
them  and  published  a  volume  of  choice  extracts,  con- 
sisting of  such  passages  as  the  two  friends  most  highly 
valued.  It  is  a  gratification  to  light  upon  circumstan- 
ces that  seem  to  connect  the  writers  of  this  age  with 
earlier  fathers,  to  whose  acquaintance  we  have  been  in- 
troduced at  a  former  period.  Basil  was  brought  up  in 
the  metropolis  of  Cappadocia,  and  perhaps  in  the  very 

p  Basilii  Comment,  in  Cap.  ix,19,  Esaiae,  If  the  Regiilse  Brevio- 
res  be  Basil's,  he  there  (Interrog.  267,)  labored  to  reconcile  the  abso- 
lute eternity  of  punishment  with  the  fact  that  some  shall  be  beaten 
with  many  stripes,  and  others  with  few.  But  this  piece  has  been 
ascribed  to  Eustathius  of  Sebastca,  (See  Du  Pin's  BibliothecaPat.  Art. 
Basil.)  acotemporary  with  Basil,  Whoever  the  author  was,  he  cer- 
tainly meant  to  be  considered  a  believer  in  strictly  endless  misery, 


vi.]  OF  UNI  VERS  ALISM.  1  73 

church  where  the  venerable  Firmilian  presided  a  cei> 
tury  before.  His  grandmother,  Macrina,  under  whom 
he  received  his  juvenile  education,  and  his  first  impres- 
sions of  piety,  had  been,  in  her  youth,  a  hearer  of  Gre- 
gory Thaumaturgus,  in  Pontus  ;  for  whom  she  inspired 
her  young  scholar  witli  a  profound  and  lasting  venera- 
tion. He  himself,  in  middle  Hfe,  spent  some  time  as  a 
monk  in  the  solitudes  adjacent  to  the  ancient  residence 
of  the  famous  Wonderworker  ;  and  soon  afterwards,  on 
his  return  to  Cappadocia  in  the  year  370,  he  was  or- 
dained over  the  same  bishopric  which  Firmilian  had 
once  governed. 

In  his  general  system  of  doctrine,  there  was  nothing 
that  can  have  struck  his  cotemporaries  as  very  peculiar. 
Though  addicted  to  the  allegorical  mode  of  interpreting 
the  scriptures,  he  was  quite  moderate  in  this  respect, 
compared  with  some  others  of  that  age.  It  is  worthy 
of  remark,  that  he  approached  nearer  to  the  notion  of 
original  and  total  depravity,  than  had  any  of  the  earlier 
fathers  ;  though  at  the  same  time  he  fell  short  of  the 
modern  standard,  and  was  what  we  should  now  call  an 
Arminian. 

In  early  life  he  travelled  extensively,  studying  at  Ce- 
sarea  in  Palestine,  at  Constantinople,  at  Athens,  and 
finally  in  the  monasteries  of  Egypt.  Here  he  was  ini- 
tiated into  the  monastic  life ;  for  which,  hke  most  of 
his  cotemporaries,  he  always  maintained  a  zealous  at- 
tachment. And  hke  them,  too,  he  formed  his  views  of 
practical  religion,  by  the  false  standard  of  that  perverse 
and  fanatical  discipline. 

15* 


174  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap, 

Xni.  That  class  of  devotees,  to  which 
A,  D.  370,  we  have  once  or  twice  alluded,  the  monks, 
to  376.  had  now  become  numerous  in  many  parts 
of  the  East,  where  their  unnatural  mode  of 
hfe  began  to  be  held  in  general  veneration,  and  to  be 
patronised  by  nearly  all  tlie  bishops  and  doctors. 
Athanasius,  Basil,  Ephraim  the  Syrian,  the  two  Grego- 
ries,  Epiphanius,  and  others,  were  its  strenuous  advo- 
cates. It  had  been  very  lately  introduced,  with  great 
success,  into  the  desert  parts  of  Palestine,  Syria,  Pon- 
tus,  aiid  Mesopotamia ;  but  to  Eg}'pt  belopged  the 
glory,  or  more  truly  the  dishonor,  both  of  its  origin,  and 
of  its  rapid  growth  to  maturity.  A  century  before  the 
present  period,  one  or  two  indi^dduals.  fled  from  the 
heathen  persecutions  into  the  frightful  wastes  that  bor- 
der the  long,  narrow  tract  of  vegetation  watered  by  the 
Nile.  Habit  and  a  mistaken  devotion  gave  them  a  rel- 
ish, at  length,  for  what  necessity  had  thus  forced  upon 
them  ;  and  they  continued  to  follow,  from  choice,  a 
kind  of  life  more  suited  to  the  reptiles,  their  associates, 
than  to  human  beings.  Their  example,  so  congenial 
with  the  absurd  notions  of  the  times,  drew  many  after 
them  :  multitudes  succeeded  multitudes ;  till  the  num- 
ber of  monks  in  that  country  alone,  had  now  increased 
to  tens  of  thousands,  all  governed  by  established  rules, 
and  forming  an  institution  which  was  thought  the  bright- 
est ornament  of  tlie  church. 

Among  them  we  discover  that,  about  this  time,  a  con- 
siderable body  had  become  distinguished  by  an  appella- 
tion which  seems  to  have  been  but  newly  introduced  ; 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISJVL  ^75 

that  of  Origenists  '^,  These  were,  of  course,  certain 
followers  of  Origen.  The  name,  however,  of  very  in- 
definite application  probably  at  first,  did  by  no  means 
extend  to  all  his  admirers,  nor  even  to  all  his  imitators ; 
for  dioiigh  the  celebrated  fathers,  Gregory  Nyssen,  Did- 
ymus  and  Jerome,  were  known  to  be  of  the  latter  class, 
it  does  not  appear  that  they  were  considered,  till  after 
many  years,  as  belonging  to  the  particular  party  under 
consideration'.  What  distinguished  the  Origenists  pro- 
perly so  called,  from  other  avowed  disciples  of  their 
master,  cannot  be  ascertained,  unless  it  were  some  special 
combination  among  themselves  for  party  purposes,  or 
a  more  clamorous  zeal  in  urging  their  peculiarities.  That 
they  were,  in  some  sense,  a  specific  party,  appears  from 
the  circumstance  of  their  sectarian  denomination  ;  but  it 
should  be  remarked,  at  the  same  time,  that  they  were 
in  the  full  fellowship  of  the  orthodox  communion,  and 
that  they  seem  to  have  been  scattered  among  the 
churches,  as  well  as  monasteries,  in  various  parts  of 
Egypt. 

There  was  one  celebrated  retreat,  however,  where 
they  particularly  abounded.  About  fifty  miles  south  of 
Alexandria,  beyond  the  lake  Mareotis  and  a  long  ex- 
tent of  burning  sands  succeeded  by  plains  heaped  with 
pebbles,  arose  the  bare  and  sun-burnt  hills  of  Nitria, 


a  Epiphanii  Panarium,  Haeres.  Ixiv.  ^  3,  This  is  the  earliest  pas- 
sage in  which  I  have  found  that  appellation.  r  In  proof  of 
this,  among  many  other  facts,  is  that  of  Jerome's  contention  with 
some  Origenists  at  Rome,  about  a.  d.  382,  and  his  forsaking  Nitria, 
in  A.D.  386,  out  of  dislike  to  them;  though  he  himself  was,  at  this 
time,  a  devoutadmirer  of  Origen's  works. 


176  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

amidst  a  boundless  prospect  of  desolation  ^  It  was  in 
the  borders  of  the  great  Lybian  Desert.  Around  these 
hills  the  monks  had  gathered  into  a  vast  community,  the 
most  famous,  perhaps,  and  with  one  exception  the  most 
numerous,  of  all  they  had  yet  formed.  This  was  the 
principal  seat  of  the  Origenists ;  who  appear  to  have 
constituted  the  smaller  part  of  five  or  six  thousand  re- 
cluses ^  As  strangers  resorted  hither,  even  from  distant 
countries,  in  order  to  acquire  the  monastic  discipline  and 
precepts  in  their  perfection,  many  attached  themselves 
to  the  new  sect ;  and  travelling  afterwards  through  dif- 
erent  parts  of  Christendom,  propagated  their  views  and 
partialities  wherever  they  went.  At  a  period  a  few 
years  later,  we  shall  find  some,  though  perhaps  not  all, 
of  them  to  have  been  Universalists. 

XIV.  The  Origenists,  as  a  party,  were 
A.  D.  376.  attacked  at  this  time,  by  Epiphanius,  bish- 
op of  Salamis  on  the  island  of  Cyprus. 
He  was  a  man  of  much  reading,  but  very  careless,  in- 
accurate, and  notoriously  disposed  to  adopt  every  slan- 
derous report  against  those  whom  he  dishked.  In  a 
large  work,  designed  to  confute  all  the  heresies  that  had 
ever  appeared,  he  devotes  one  of  the  longest  articles 
of  thirty  or  forty  folio  pages,  to  the  errors  of  Origen 
Adamantius  and  his  party  ".  Having  given  an  account 
of  his  hfe,   in  some  points  false  and  injurious,  he  says, 

s  Sonnini's  Travels  in  Egypt,  chap.  2G  and  27.  The  desert  of  Ni- 
tria  is  about  35  miles  west  ot'Tcrane,  a  village  on  the  Nile. 

t  For  the  number  of  monks  at  Nitria,  see  Fleury's  Eccl.  Hist. 
Book  xvi.  chap.  36.  u  The  Origeniani,  whom  Epiphanius  des- 

cribes in  Ila^rcs.  Ixiii.  arc  suspected  to  have  been  creatures  of  his 
imagination.  See  Lardner's  Crcdibilityj  &c.  chap.  Noetus,  and  others 
called  Heretics,  fyc. 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  X77 

"  As  to  the  heresy  of  Origen,  it  was  first  propagated  in 
"Egypt;  and  at  this  day  it  flourishes  chiefly  among 
"  tliose  who  profess  the  monastic  Ufe.  It  is  a  pestifer- 
"  ous  heresy,  exceeding  in  wickedness  all  former  ones, 
"  tlie  errors  of  which,  it  indeed  embraces.  For  though 
"  it  is  attended  with  no  appearance  of  vice  among  its  vota- 
"  ries,  it  teaches  the  most  absurd  notion  concerning  God. 
"  From  this  fountain  it  was,  that  Arius  and  his  secta- 
"  ries  derived  their  errors.  Origen  proceeded  to  such 
"  an  extent  of  temerity,  as  to  assert  that  the  only  begot- 
"  ten  Son  cannot  behold  the  Father,  nor  the  Holy 
''  Ghost  see  the  Son,  nor  angels  the  Holy  Ghost,  nor 
"  man  the  Angels.  This  was  his  first  error:  For 
"  he  held  the  Son  to  be  of  the  substance  of  the 
"  Father  in  such  a  way  as  that  he  was  nevertheless 
"  created.  He  held  still  more  heinous  errors  ;  for  he 
"  taught  that  the  souls  of  men  existed  before  their  bodies, 
^'  and  were  angels  or  superior  powers,  who  have  been 
^  consigned,  on  account  of  their  sins,  to  these  mortal 
"  frames,  for  the  purpose  of  punishment.  We  could 
"  mention  ever  so  many  of  his  notions  :  that,  for  in- 
"  stance,  which  he  entertained,  that  Adam  lost  the  di- 
"  vine  image  by  transgression.  Hence  it  is,  says  Origen, 
"  diat  the  scripture  mentions  the  coats  of  skins  with 
"  which  God  clothed  our  first  parents  :  which  coats  he 
"  takes  to  be  their  bodies.  There  are,  indeed,  an  in- 
"  finite  number  of  dogmas  advanced  by  him,  worthy  of 
"  ridicule  and  laughter.  He  even  represented  the  r©- 
"  surrection  in  an  imperfect  and  defective  manner,  part- 
"  ly  asserting  it  in  appearance,  and  partly  denying  it  in 
"  reality.     In  other  words,  he  supposed  that  only  a  part 


178  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

"  of  man  is  to  be  raised.  And  finally,  he  turned  what- 
"  ever  he  could  into  allegories  :  such  as  Eden  or  Para- 
"  disc,  and  its  waters  ;  and  the  waters  which  are  above 
"  the  firmament,  and  those  which  are  under  the  earth." 
&;c^.  Epiphanius  then  proceeds  to  treat,  at  consider- 
able length,  on  his  views  of  the  tiinity  and  the  resurrec- 
tion, inserting  nearly  all  the  treatise  of  Methodius  on  the 
latter  subject ;  after  which  he  returns  to  inveigh  once 
more  against  his  notions  of  the  coats  of  skins,  of  pre- 
existence,  and  of  the  resurrection,  calling  him  "  an  in- 
fidel, and  worse  than  an  infidel."  It  is  remarkable 
that,  like  all  the  former  opposers  of  Origen,  he  too 
passes  over  the  doctrine  of  Universalism  in  silence; 
though  we  discover  that  he,  himself,  at  the  same  time, 
believed  that  there  is  no  change  of  condition,  nor  room 
for  repentance,  after  death ^.  This  attack,  though 
professedly  against  the  OrigenistSj  was  directed  mgre 
particularly  against  their  Master  himself ;  and  it  seems 
to  have  been  the  last  he  suffered,  till  the  famous  contest 
that  arose  at  the  end  of  this  century,  in  which  Epiph- 
anius will  again  appear,  in  the  character  of  a  principal 
actor. 

XV.  We  have   already  advanced   into   a 

A.  D.  370,     period  that  forms  a   distinguished    era   in 

to  383.       our  history.     Universalism  appears  to  have 

been,  for  a  while,  the  sentiment  of  a  ma- 
jority of  the  most  eminent  orthodox  fathers  in  the  East. 

▼  Epiphanii  Panarium,  Ilaeres.  Ixiv,  §  4.  This  passage,  which  I 
have  compressed  a  httlc,  contains  about  every  point  that  Epiphanius 
censures  throughout  the  whole  article.  This  part  of  his  work  is 
supposed  to  have  been  written  in  a.  d.  376,  See  Lardner's  Credibi- 
lity &c.  chap,  Epiphanius,  w  Ditto.  Hseres,  lix. 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  I79 

Gregory  Nyssen,  Didymus,  and  Jerome,  were  its  ad- 
vocates ;  and  the  celebrated  Gregory  Nazianzen,  who 
was  elevated,  at  length,  to  the  bishopric  of  Constan- 
tinople, hesitated  between  this  doctrine  and  that  of 
endless  misery.  His  readiness  in  expounding  the  Nicene 
faith,  acquired  for  him  the  appellation  of  The  TheO' 
logian ;  and  of  all  the  fathers,  except  Chrysostom, 
he  is  the  most  renowned  for  a  brilliant  and  glowing 
eloquence.  His  works  are,  of  course,  declamatory 
and  exhortative,  rather  than  doctrinal ;  but  he  has  still 
left  sufficient  proofs  of  the  unsettled  state  of  his  opinion: 
sometimes  he  represented  future  misery  as  a  dispensation 
of  mere  torment,  opposed  to  all  corrective  suffering ; 
and  asserted  that  in  hell,  or  the  place  of  the  dead, 
there  can  be  no  confession  nor  reformation'^.  But  at 
other  times  he  thought  it  probable  that  those  torments 
would  be  directed  to  the  salvation  of  the  sufferers : 
"  I  have  mentioned,"  says  he,  "  the  purifying  fire 
"  which  Christ  came  to  kindle  upon  earth ;  who  is 
"  himself  figuratively  called  fire.  It  is  the  nature  of 
"  this  fire  to  consume  the  grosser  matter,  or  vicious 
"  character,  of  the  mind.  But  there  is  also  another 
"  sort  of  fire,  not  of  purgation,  but  intended  for  a 
"  vindictive  punishment  of  wickedness :  whether  it  be 
"  that  of  Sodom,  which,  mixed  with  sulphur  and  storm, 
"  God  pours  upon  all  sinners  ;  or  that  which  is  prepar- 
"  ed  for  the  devil  and  his  angels ;  or  even  that  which 
"  proceeds  before  the  face  of  the  Lord ;  or  lastly, 
"  that  more  formidable  than  all,  which  is  connected  with 

^  Gregorii  Nazianzeni  Oratio  Decimaquinta,  p,  229,  Tom,  i.  Edit, 
Paris,  1630, 


J 30  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

"  the  unsleeping  worm,  and  is  never  extinguished,  but 
"  is  continual  and  everlasting  for  the  punishment  of  wick- 
"  ed  men.  It  is  the  nature  of  all  these  to  ruin,  to 
"  destroy  ;  unless,  however,  one  may  suppose  that  the 
"  fire,  in  this  case  also,  is  to  be  understood  more  mod- 
"  erately,  and  as  is  worthy,  indeed,  of  the  God  who 
"  punishes^."  In  another  passage,  speaking  of  the 
Novatians,  an  heretical  sect,  he  says,  "  perhaps  they 
"  will  be  baptized,  in  the  next  world,  with  fire,  which  is 
"  the  last  baptism,  and  is  not  only  keen,  but  of  great 
"  duration,  and  which  shall  feed  on  tlie  dull  matter,  as 
"  on  hay,  till  it  shall  have  consumed  all  their  sins^  ." 
Such  is  the  indecision  of  Gregory  upon  this  subject, 
tliat  it  is  of  Httle  consequence  to  mention  his  repeated 
application  of  the  word  everlasting  to  future  punish- 
ment. 

XVI.  It  has  been  said,  by  one  of  the  best  critics*  on 
ecclesiastical  history,  that  of  all  the  fathers  of  the  fourth 
century,  there  was  not  a  more  moderate  nor  worthier 
man,  than  Gregory  Nazianzen.  Uniting  a  quick  and  deep 
sensibility  with  a  lofty  imagination,  he  was  too  contem- 
plative, too  fond  of  retirement,  to  engage  willingly  in 
the  perpetual  contentions  of  his  age,  or  even  to  rehsh 
the  tumults  of  a  public  life.  He  condemned  the  cap- 
tiousness  of  the  zealous  bigots  upon  doctrinal  points ; 
though  one  would  suppose  that  he  himself  was,  in  this 
respect,  fastidious  enough.  The  clergy  of  that  day,  he 
boldly,  and  it  appears  justly,  represented  as  a  body  of 

y  Greg.  Nazianz.  Oratio  xl,  pp,  664,  665.  Tom.    i,  ^  Ditto. 

Oratio  xxxix,  p.  G36,  Tom.  i.  a  Le  Clerc.      See  Jortin's  Re- 

marks on  Eccl.  Hist.  vol.  iv,  p.  95.  London,  1773. 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  131 

men  avaricious,  quarrelsome,  licentious,  and  in  one 
word,  unprincipled ;  and  of  the  frequent  councils  which 
then  disturbed  the  peace  of  the  church,  he  declared 
that  he  was  afraid  of  them,  bacause  he  had  never  seen 
the  end  of  one  that  was  happy  and  pleasant,  or  that  did 
not  rather  increase  than  diminish  the  evil ''.  Nothing  can 
more  strikingly  evince  the  intolerant  maxims  and  spirit  of 
tlie  age,  than  that  one  of  its  most  pacific  men  approved, 
and  sometimes  urged,  the  persecution  of  heretics,  and 
openly  lamented  that  the  apostate  emperor  Julian  had  not 
been  put  to  death  by  his  predecessor. 

His  intimacy  with  Basil  the  Great,  began  in  early  life, 
amidst  the  schools  of  Athens.  Having  already  studied 
both  in  Palestine,  and  at  Alexandria,  Gregory  repaired 
to  this  seat  of  Grecian  literature  about  the  year  344  ;  and 
was,  not  long  afterw^ards,  joined  by  his  young  compan- 
ion. Here  they  became  acquainted  with  Julian,  the  fu- 
ture emperor,  then  a  youth  like  themselves.  Gregory 
at  length  returned  home  to  Nazianzum,  a  small  city  in 
the  southwestern  part  of  Cappadocia,  of  which  his  father 
was  bishop.  But  when  Basil,  on  his  return  from  the 
monasteries  of  Egypt,  retired  to  a  soHtude  in  Pontus, 
he  followed  him  to  that  retreat,  assisted  him  in  estab- 
lishing the  monastic  institutions  there,  and,  as  it  seems, 
remained  awhile  after  his  friend  had  engaged  in  a  more 
public  and  distinguished  sphere.  The  latter  was  or- 
dained bishop  of  Cappadocia,  in  A.  D,  370  ;  and  wish- 
ing to  pre-occupy  against  the  attempts  of  a  rival,  the 
small  and  obscure  village  of  Sasima,  on  the  confines  of 

b  Greg.  Nazianz.  Epist.  Iv. 
16 


182  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

his  jurisdiction,  he  recalled  Gregory  from  his  retire- 
ment, and  appointed  him  bishop  of  the  contested  place. 
Gregory  resented  this  heartless  conduct  in  his  friend; 
and  refusing  to  accept  the  unworthy  appointment,  took 
up  his  residence  again  at  Nazianzum,  assisting  his  aged 
father  in  the  care  of  the  church.  After  the  death  of 
his  venerable  parent,  he  went  to  Seleucia,  and  thence, 
at  the  urgent  request  of  the  bishops,  to  Constantinople, 
where  he  arrived  about  A.  D.  378.  He  found  the  city 
full  of  Arians,  who  occupied  all  the  churches ;  the  or- 
thodox few,  dispirited,  and  destitute  of  a  place  for  pub- 
lic w^orship.  After  preaching  awhile  in  private  houses, 
his  eloquence  and  austere  life  drew  into  his  flock  a  num- 
ber sufficiently  large  to  erect  a  spacious  church,  which 
tliey  called  The  Anastasia,  or  Resurrection,  to  intimate 
the  revival  of  the  Consubstantial  faith.  The  attention 
of  the  whole  city  was  roused  :  the  triumphant  orthodox, 
the  heretics  of  all  kinds,  and  even  the  heathens,  crowd- 
ed in  a  mingled  mass  to  the  Anastasia,  to  feast  on  his 
doctrine,  or  to  admire  the  enchantment  of  his  eloquence ; 
and  such  was  the  pressure  of  the  throng,  as  sometimes 
to  crush  down  the  railing  which  enclosed  the  pulpit. 

In  the  midst  of  his  success,  however,  he  was  deeply 
wounded  by  the  ingratitude  of  an  unprincipled  but  sanc- 
timonious wretch,  whom  he  had  cherished.  This  im- 
postor, named  Maximus,  formed  a  faction  among  the  or- 
thodox themselves  at  Alexandria  and  other  places,  to 
usurp  the  bishopric  of  Constantinople  ;  came  with  his 
partisans,  and  forcibly  entered  Gregory's  own  church  ; 
and  when  driven  out  by  the  alarmed  multitude,  appeal- 
ed, though  in  vain,   to  the  emperor  Theodosius.     He 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  183 

finally  succeeded,  however,  in  prevailing  on  the  Italian 
bishops  to  countenance  his  project  ;  and  he  found  too 
many  among  the  eastern  clergy,  who,  out  of  envy,  fa- 
vored his  cause.  Few  men,  perhaps,  were  less  fitted 
than  Gregory,  to  act  amidst  such  circumstances. 
Though  bold,  vehement  and  resolute  when  surrounded 
by  avowed  enemies  to  his  fahh,  opposition  from  his  own 
party  withered  his  heart,  and  sickened  him  of  fife.  He 
sought  to  retire  from  Constantinople  to  solitude.  But 
the  anxious  entreaties  of  his  people  so  far  prevailed  that 
he  deferred  his  resolution  ;  and  the  new  emperor  Theo- 
dosius,  making  his  first  entry  into  Constantinople  to- 
wards the  end  of  the  year  380,  drove  the  Arians  from 
all  the  churches  in  the  city,  banished  their  bishop,  and 
introduced  Gregory  to  the  possession,  and  to  the  reve- 
nues, of  their  Great  or  Cathedral  Church^.  This  new 
state  of  thmgs  seemed  to  afford  him  a  space  of  quiet ', 
and  in  the  General  Council  which  assembled  the  next 
year,  at  Constantinople,  he  was  confirmed  in  his  bishopric. 
Before  the  close  of  the  session  however,  or  perhaps  in 
another  session  held  at  the  same  place  in  A.  D.  382, 
new  difficulties  broke  out :  Gregory's  stern  integrity 
gave  offence  to  some,  as  it  thwarted  their  intrigues  ;  and 
his  popularity  aroused  the  jealousy  of  others.  Sinking 
under  premature  old  age,  wearied  with  contention,  and 
disgusted  with  the  vices  of  the  bishops,  he  resolved,  not- 
withstanding the  bitter  lamentations  of  his  friends,  to  re- 
sign a  post  that  continually  exposed  him  to  the  abuse  of 
clerical  envy  and  ambition.     In  the   Great  Church  of 

c  It  stood  on  the  spot  now   occupied  by  the  great  mosque  of  St 
Sophia. 


184  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

Constantinople,  so  lately  wrested  from  the   Arians,  he 
ascended  the  pulpit  for  the  last  time,  surrounded  by  the 
members  of  the  General  Council,  by  his  own  beloved 
people,   and  by  the  wonted   crowd.     He  repeated  the 
history  of  his  success  in  that  city,   described  the  doc- 
trine he  had  preached,  besought  the  bishops  by  forsak- 
ing their  contentious  practices  to  heal  the  divisions  of 
the  church,  and  concluded  by  taking  leave  of  public  life 
and  of  the  scenes  of  his  labors.     "  Farewell,   Anasta- 
"  sia  !"  said  he  ;  "  thou  that  sawest  our  doctrine  raised 
"  up  from  its  low  despised  estate  ;  dear  seats  of  our  com- 
"  mon  victory,  our  new  Siloam,  w^here  first  the  ark  of  our 
"  God  rested,  after  its  hopeless  wanderings  in  the  desert. 
"  Farewell,  too,  this  great  and  august  temple,  where  we 
"  meet !  our  new  heritage  ;  thou  that  wast  a  Jebus  be- 
"  fore,  now  converted  to  a  Jerusalem.     And  ye   other 
"  sacred  edifices  also  scattered  over  the  whole  city  and 
"  its   suburbs,  farewell !  the  grace  of  God,  and  not  our 
"  feeble  exertions,  hath  now  filled  you  with  the  faithfuL 
"  Thou  envied  and  dangerous  pre-eminence,  episcopal 
"  throne,  farewell.     Farewell,  pontifical  palace,  vener- 
"  able  for  thine  age  and  the  majesty  of  the  priesthood. 
"  Farewell  ye  choirs  of  Nazareans!    whose  strains  of 
"  psalmody  I  shall  no  more  hear,  whose  nocturnal  cele- 
"  brations  of  our  Lord's  resurrection,  I  shall  no  more 
*'  attend.      Ye  holy  virgins,  ye  widows  and  orphans,  ye 
"  eyes  of  the  poor,  turned  alternately  to  heaven  and  to- 
"  wards  the  preacher,  farewell.     Farewell,  ye  hospita- 
"  ble  domes,  devoted  to  Christ,  which  have  so  often  as- 
"  sisted  my  infirmity.     Ye  mingling  throngs  that  crowd- 
''  ed  to  my  sermons,  ye  swift-handed  notaries,  ye  rails 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  185 

"  pressed  by  my  greedy  auditors,  farewell.  Farewell, 
"  emperors  and  courts.  Farewell  thou  imperial  city, 
"  whose  zeal,  though  not  perhaps  according  to  knowl- 
"  edge,  I  yet  will  frankly  testify.  May  thy  service  of 
"  God  be  more  sincere,  and  thy  fruits  of  righteousness 
"  more  abundant.  Ye  bishops  of  the  East  and  West, 
"  farewell !  why  will  not  some  of  you  imitate  this  my 
"resignation,  and  restore  peace  to  the  divided  and  con- 
"tentious  church?  I  call  you  but  to  relinquish  digni- 
"  ties  upon  earth,  for  heavenly  thrones,  far  safer,  and 
"  more  exalted.  Ye  angels,  the  guardians  of  this 
"church,  and  of  my  presence  and  wanderings,  farewell. 
"  Thou  sacred  Trinity  !  my  meditation  and  my  glory,  O 
"  may  I  hear  of  the  daily  increase  of  this  my  people, 
"  their  growth  in  knowledge  and  grace.  And  ye,  my 
"  people,  for  mine  ye  are,  though  another  shall  govern 
"  you, — my  little  children,  keep  the  faith  I  have  deliver- 
"  ed  you,  remembering  my  labors  and  my  sufferings  '^." 
He  retired  immediately  to  Nazianzum,  where  he  liv- 
ed in  obscurity  and  quiet,  employing  himself  in  devout 
exercises,  and  in  poetic  composition.  He  died  about 
A.  D.  389,  aged  not  far  from  seventy  years.  Hisplaizj 
determined  integrity  is  w^orthy  of  all  praise  ;  and  the  un- 
blemished purity  of  his  hfe  and  manners,  though  veiled 
under  the  shade  of  monastic  gloom,  commands  our  re- 
spect, and  excites  our  admiration.  His  eloquence, 
which  has  been  absurdly  compared  to  that  of  Demosthe- 
nes, w^as  formed  on  the  turgid  style  of  the  Asiatics,  rath- 
er than  on  the  severe  simpUcity  of  the  Grecian  ;  and  it 

d  Greg.  Nazianz.  Oratio.  xxxii.  fin.  Tom.  i.  pp.  527,  523. 

15* 


136  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

was  therefore  the  better  adapted  to  discourse  on  myste- 
ries, and  to  excite  the  wonder  of  an  ignorant  populace. 

The  feebleness  of  a  body  subdued  by  rigorous  aus- 
terities, must  have  increased  the  sensibility  of  his  tem- 
perament ;  and  this,  united  with  the  generous  and  con- 
fiding character  of  his  affections,  exposed  him  to  per- 
petual afflictions  from  the  baseness'  and  ingratitude  of 
mankind.  It  is  no  wonder  that  to  such  a  man,  the  dif- 
ficult station^  which  he  prudendy  resigned,  was  attend- 
ed with  a  weight  of  cares  insupportable.  The  church, 
however,  has  always  held  his  memory  dear ;  and  his 
name  still  occupies  a  respectable  place  on  the  pages  of 
ecclesiastical  history. 

Like  Basil,  he  was  moderately  giv^n  to  the  allego- 
rical method  of  exposition ;  and  we  have  already  men- 
tioned their  mutual  admiration  of  Origen's  writings. 

XVn.  But  in  this  he  was  perhaps  surpassed  by  his 
friend,  Gregory  Nyssen,  the  brother  of  Basil  the  Great. 
This  eminent  father  and  bishop  followed  Origen's  sys- 
tem in  allegorizing  the  scriptures,  farther  than  most  of 
his  cotemporaries  ;  though  he,  at  the  same  time,  avoid- 
ed many  of  his  extravagances,  and  rejected  some  of 
his  notions®.  The  doctrine  of  Universal  Salvation, 
however,  he  adopted  and  taught  more  frequendy  ^  than, 
perhaps,  any  other  early  writer,  whose  works  are  ex- 
tant. 


e  See  Gregorii  Nysseni  Disputat.  de  Aniina  et  Resurrect,  pp.  264. 
265,  2G9. — Lib.  de  treatione  Hcminis  cap.  29.  p.  459,  and  cap.  30,  p. 
462.— Dft  Hist.  SexDienim.  p.  293,  294.  Edit.  Basil.  1562. 

f  A  plea,  first  advanced  more  than  tlirec  hundred  years  after  Gre- 
gory Nyssen's  death  to  defend  him  from  tlie  imputation  of  Univer- 
salism,  is  sometimes    repeated,  though  in  a  faultering  manner,  by 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  187 

Endeavoring  to  wrest  from  the  Arians  that  expression 
of  St.  Paul,  Then  shall  the  Son  also  be  subject  unto 
him  who  put  all  things  under  him,  (i.  Cor.  xv.  28.)  and 
to  make  it  appear  consistent  with  trinitarianism,  he 
takes  occasion  to  explain  the  connexion  at  large,  in 
order  to  point  out  what  he  supposes  to  be  the  Apostle's 
argument :  "  What  therefore,"  says  he,  "  is  the  scope 
"  of  St.  Paul's  dissertation  in  this  place  ?  That  the 
"  nature  of  evil  shall,  at  length,  be  wholly  exterminated, 
"  and  divine,  immortal  goodness  embrace  within  itself 
"  every  rational  creature ;  so  that  of  all  who  were  made 
"  by  God,  not  one  shall  be  excluded  from  liis  kingdom. 
"  All  the  viciousness,  that  like  a  corrupt  matter  is   min- 

modern  critics.  Germanus,  bishop  of  Constantinople,  who  flourished 
about  A.  D.  730,  contended,  that  in  Gregory  Nyssen's  Dialogue  on 
the  Soul,  in  his  great  Catechetical  Oration,  and  in  his  Tract  on  the  Per- 
fect Life  of  a  Christian,  all  such  passages  as  taught  the  restoration  of 
the  devils  and  of  the  damned,  had  either  been  corrupted  or  added  by 
the  Origenists;  and  fur  proof  he  referred  to  the  connexions  of  the 
passages  in  question,  and  to  the  alleged  fact  that  in  other  places 
Gregory  had  contradicted  that  sentiment.  (See  Photii  Biblioth.  Cod. 
233.)  Du  Pin,  who  by  the  way  misrepresents  Germanus,  manifestly 
desires  to  avail  himself  of  this  plea  ;  but  at  the  same  time,  betrays 
hiswant  of  confidence  in  it.  (BibliothecaPatrum,  Art.Gregory  Nyssen.) 
The  truth  is,  it  would  be  impossible  to  takeUniversalism  out  of  Gregory 
Nyssen's  works,  without  destroying  some  of  his  pieces,  and  render- 
ing others  unintelligible  ;  and  there  is  no  reason  to  suspect  that  it 
was  wrongfully  inserted  in  the  three  books  which  Germanus  names. 
That  Gregory  ever  denies  the  doctrine  in  question,  I  have  not  disco- 
vered. The  independent  Daille  (Do  Usu  PatrumLib.  ii.  cap.  4,  Latin 
edition,  for  the  English,  and  probably  the  French  are  incomplete) 
treats  Germanus's  supposition  with  merited  contempt:  "  it  is  the  last 
*'  resort,"  says  he,  ''of  those  who  with  a  stupid  and  absurd  pertina- 
*'  city,  will  have  it,  that  the  ancients  wrote  nothing  different  from 
"the  faith  at  present  received;  for  the  whole  of  Gregory  Nyssen's 
''  Orations  are  so  deeply  imbued  with  the  pestiferous  doctrine  in  ques- 
"  tion,  that  it  can  have  been  inserted  by  none  other  than  the  author 
''  himself"  Dr.  T.  Burnet  also  (De  Statu  Mort.  et  Resurg.  p.  138. 
London,  1733)  pronounces  the  pleaof  Germanus  vain.  See  note  y  fol- 
Icnoing. 


X88  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

"gled  in  things,  shall  be  dissolved  and  consumed  in 
"  the  furnace  of  purgatorial  fire  ;  and  every  thing  that 
"  had  its  origin  from  God,  shall  be  restored  to  its  pris- 
"  tine  state  of  purity."  The  author  proceeds  to  con- 
tend, in  his  abstruse  and  mystical  way,  that  the  human 
nature  which  Christ  assumed,  being  so  intimately  con- 
nected with  the  common  nature  of  man,  that  the  Apostle 
here  calls  it  "  the  first  fruits"  of  the  human  race  ;  the 
subjection  of  all  mankind  to  God  may,  by  a  figure,  be 
called  the  subjection  of  Christ  himself,  the  first  fruits. 
"  When  therefore  the  dominion  of  sin  within  us,  shall 
"  be  entirely  overthrown,  every  thing  must,  of  course, 
"  be  subject  to  him  who  rules  over  all ;  because  there 
"  can  be  no  opposing  inclination  in  the  Universe.  Now, 
"  subjection  to  God  is  perfect  and  absolute  alienation 
"  from  evil.  Wherefore,  when  we  all  shall  be  freed 
"  from  sin,  and  perfectly  assimilated  to  Christ,  our  first 
"  fruits,  and  made  one  uniform  body  with  him,  then  what 
"  is  called  the  subjection  of  Christ,  is,  in  reality,  accom- 
"  phshed  in  us  ;  and  because  we  are  his  body,  our  sub- 
"  jection  is  attributed  to  him  who  effected  it  in  ourselves. 
"Such  we  think  is  the  meaning  of  St.  Paul  in  this 
"passage  :  For  as  in  Adam  all  die,  so  also  through 
"  Christ  shall  all  be  made  alive  ;  but  every  one  in  his 
^^  own  order  :  Christ,  the  first  fruits ;  then  they  who  are 
"  Chrisfs  at  his  coming ;  then  cometh  the  end,  when  he 
"  shall  have  delivered  up  the  kingdom  to  God  even  the 
"  Father,  when  he  shall  have  abolished  all  dominion, 
"  and  authority,  and  j^oiver.  For  he  must  reign  till 
"  he  hath  put  all  enemies  under  his  feet.  The  last  enemy, 
"  death,  shall  be  destroyed.     For  he  hath  'put  all  things 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  189 

"  under  his  feet.  But  when  he  saith  all  things  are  put 
"  under  him,  it  is  manifest  that  he  is  excepted  who  did 
"  put  all  things  under  him.  And  when  all  things  shall 
"  be  subjected  to  him,  then  shall  the  Son  also  himself  be 
"  subjected  to  him  who  put  all  things  under  him  ;  that 
"  God  may  be  all  in  all.  (i.  Cor.  xv.  22—28.)  It  is 
''  manifest  that  here  the  apostle  declares  the  extinction* of 
"  all  sin,  saying,  that  God  will  be  all  in  all.  For  God 
"will  be  truly  all  in  all  only  when  no  evil  shall  remain 
"  in  the  nature  of  things,  as  he  is  never  engaged  in 
"  evil,"  k,c  \ 

Gregory  held  different  degrees  of  happiness  in  heav- 
en, apportioned  to  the  different  merits  which  the  bless- 
ed had  acquired  upon  earth  ;  and  different  degrees  of 
future  punishment,  according  the  various  characters  of 
tlie  sufferers  :  "  I  believe,"  said  he,  "  that  punishment 
"  will  be  administered  in  proportion  to  each  one's  cor- 
"  ruptness.  For  it  would  be  unequal  to  torment  with 
"  the  same  purgatorial  pains,  him  who  has  long  indulg- 
"  ed  in  transgression,  and  him  who  has  only  fallen  into 
"  a  few  common  sins.  But  that  grievous  flame  shall 
"  burn  for  a  longer  or  shorter  period,  according  to  the 
"  kind  and  quantity  of  the  matter  that  supports  it.  There- 
"  fore,  to  whom  there  is  much  corruption  attached,  with 
"  him  it  is  necessary  that  the  flame  which  is  to  consume 
"  it,  should  be  great,  and  of  long  duration  ;  but  to 
"  him  in  wl  om  the  wicked  disposition  has  been  already 
"  in  part  subjected,  a  proportional  degree  of  that  sharp- 
"  er  and  more  vehement  punishment  shall  be  remitted. 

s:  Tract,  in  Dictum  Apostoli,   Tunc  etiam  ipse   Filius  subjicietur,  &c. 
p.  137,  and  seqq.  h  Lib.  De  Infantibus  quae  prsemature  abripiun- 

tur. 


190  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

"  All  evil,  however,  must,  at  length,  be  entirely  remov- 
"  ed  from  every  thing,  so  that  it  shall  no  more  exist. 
"For  such  being  the  nature  of  sin,  that  it  cannot  exist 
"  without  a  corrupt  motive,  it  must,  of  course,  be  per- 
"  fectly  dissolved  and  wholly  destroyed,  so  that  nothing 
"  can  remain  a  receptacle  of  it,  when  all  motive  and 
"  influence  shall  spring  from  God  alone."  Sic  \ 

In  another  place  he  asserts  that  as  the  devil  *  as- 
'  sumed  a  fleshly  shape  in  order  to  ruin  human  nature, 
'  so  the  Lord  took  flesh  for  the  salvation  of  man ;  and 
'  thus  he  blesses  not  only  him  who  was  ruined,  but  him 
*  also  who  led  him  into  perdition ;  so  that  he  both 
'  delivers  man  from  sin,  and  heals  the  author  of  sin  him- 
'  self  J.' 

Like  the  earlier  Universalists,  Gregory  freely  applied 
the  word  everlasting  to  future  punishment :  a  circum- 
stance which,  probably,  has  betrayed  some  critics  into 
the  hasty  conclusion,  that  he  sometimes  denied  the 
doctrine  of  Universal  Restoration,  and  asserted  that  of 
endless  misery.  A  remarkable  use  of  that  phrase  oc- 
curs in  a  passage  where  he  alludes  to  the  ultimate  fate 
of  such  as  have  become  confirmed  in  debauchery :  "  who- 
"  ever,"  says  he,  "  considers  the  divine  power,  will 
"  plainly  perceive  that  it  is  able,  at  length,  to  restore, 
"  by  means  of  the  everlasting  purgation  and  expiatory 


i  Dispntatio  de  Anima  et  Resurrectione,  p.  260.  J  Oratio 

Catechetica,  cap.  26.  I  here  subjoin  the  titles  of  those  works  in  which 
Gregory  Nyssen  teaches  Universalism  :  De  Anima  et  Resurrectione. 
— Oratio  Catechetica.— De  Infantibus  qui  pr  i  mature  abripiuntur. — 
Oratio  de  Mortuis— In  dictum  Apostoli,  Tunc  ipse  Fiiius  subjicietur 
Patri. — De  Perfectione  Christian! , 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  IQl 

"  sufferings,  those  who  have  gone  even  to  this  extremity 
"  of  wickedness  ^". 

XVIII.  His  general  system  of  doctrine,  it  is  unneces- 
sary to  state  at  large,  since  it  was  the  same  that  dis- 
tinguished the  orthodox  of  his  age.  A  few  particulars, 
however,  may  be  specified :  The  opinion  universally 
received  by  the  christians  of  this  century,  that  regene- 
ration Vas  experienced  only  in  the  rite  of  water  baptism, 
was,  of  course,  entertained  by  Gregory ;  and  with  them 
he  agreed,  that  it  was  effected  by  the  exertions  of  the 
human  will,  aided  by  the  proffered  assistance  of  the  di- 
vine spirit.  Predestination  and  irresistible  grace,  in 
their  modern  sense,  were  as  yet  unknown  in  the  church. 
In  one  or  two  respects,  our  author  was  an  honorable 
exception  to  the  prevalent  superstition  of  his  cotempo- 
raries  :  he  dissuaded  from  the  growing  practice  of  pil- 
grimages to  shrines  and  holy  places ;  and  though  a 
patron  of  the  monastic  life,  he  defended  the  excellence 
of  matrimony,  both  by  precept  and  example  :  being  one 
of  the  few  married  bishops  of  that  age. 

He  has  left  one  production,  his  lAfe  of  Gregory 
Thaumaturgiis,  which  involves  him,  as  an  author,  in 
the  charge  either  of  unbounded  credulity,  or  of  total 
disregard  of  historical  truth.  It  is  a  worthless  legend, 
enlivened  only  with  fictitious  miracles  the  most  foolish, 
and  with  disgusting  tales  the  most  incredible.  That  he 
even  presumed  to  lay  it  before  the  world,  is  a  sufficient 
indication  of  the  universal  stupidity,  and  of  the  thorough 
corruption  of  the  public  taste.  Could  illustrious  pre- 
cedent, however,    exonerate   from   the  criminality    of 

k  De  Infantibus  qui  praemature  abripiuntur,  p.  178. 


192  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

falsehood  or  disingenuous  fiction,  he  might  justly  plead 
that  of  the  great  Athanasius,  who  appears  to  have  set 
tlie  first  example  of  these  monkish  romances,  by  his 
Ldfe  of  Anthony  ;  and  three  or  four  productions  of  the 
-  same  character  which  soon  afterwards  appeared  under 
the  honored  names  of  Jerome  and  Sulpitius  Severus, 
have  contributed  much  to  relieve  Gregory  from  the 
disgrace  of  solitary  folly.  The  rest  of  our  author's 
works  are  composed  in  a  style  dry,  involved  and  ob- 
scure ;  and  they  abound  in  absurd  allegories  and  abstruse 
mysticism.  In  learning,  he  was  second  to  few  of  his 
day  ;  in  influence,  he  stood  among  the  first  in  the  or- 
thodox party.  It  is  remarkable  that  he  has  never 
been  condemned  for  his  Universahsm  ;  and  that  he 
was  never  even  censured  for  it,  till  two  or  three  centu- 
ries after  his  death. 

Li  his  youth  he  was  so  strongly  inclined  to  a  literary 
life,  that  it  was  with  much  difiiculty  he  was  persuaded  to 
abandon  his  favorite  study  of  rhetoric,  in  order  to  take 
upon  himself  the  duties  of  the  ministry.  About  A.  D. 
371,  when  not  far  from  thirty  two  years  old,  he  was 
ordained  bishop  of  Nyssa,  a  small  city  in  the  western  part 
of  Cappadocia.  Valens,  the  Arian  emperor,  being  then 
on  the  throne  of  Constantinople,  drove  several  orthodox 
bishops  into  exile;  and  in  the  year  374,  procured,  by 
the  means  of  his  lieutenant  Demosthenes,  the  expulsion 
of  Gregory  from  his  church.  But  after  four  years  of 
absence,  he  was  recalled,  with  the  rest  of  the  banished 
bishops,  on  the  accession  of  Theodosius  the  Great,  and 
permanently  established  in  his  office.  Soon  afterwards, 
either  the  Council  of  Antioch,  or  that  of  Constantinople 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  I93 

appointed  him  to  visit,  with  other  delegates,  the  curches 
of  Pontus  and  those  of  Arabia,  in  order  to  revive  among 
them  the  orthodox  faith  and  disciphne ;  and  the  new 
em.peror  honored  him,  in  the  prosecution  of  this  duty, 
with  a  pubhc  conveyance.  Some  time  after  his  return, 
he  seems  to  have  been  called  to  Constantinople,  on 
tlie  death  of  the  empress  Placilla,  in  A.  D.  385,  to 
pronounce  her  funeral  oration.  He  died  at  Nyssa, 
about  the  year  394,  aged  nearly  sixty. 

XIX.  We  have  somewdiat  delayed  the  introduction 
of  an  eminent  Universalist  who  flourished,  at  this  period, 
among  the  orthodox  in  Egypt,  and  whose  renown  for 
profane  and  sacred  learning,  filled  all  the  East.  Didy- 
mus,  the  blind,  of  Alexandria,  though  much  older  than 
Basil  or  either  of  the  Gregories,  seems  not  to  have  ac- 
quired his  extensive  reputation,  till  their  fame  also  had 
spread  through  the  church.  Deprived  forever  of  his 
eye-sight  when  only  five  years  old,  he  nevertheless 
succeeded  in  making  himself  master  of  grammar,  rheto- 
ric, logic,  music,  arithmetic,  and  even  the  most  difficult 
parts  of  the  mathematics  ;  and  his  knowledge  of  divinity 
was  so  highly  esteemed,  that  he  was  elected  President 
of  tlie  great  Catechetical  School  in  his  native  city.  He 
was  a  professed  admirer  of  Origen,  whom  he  considered 
as  his  master,  and  whose  books  Of  Principles  he  illus- 
trated w4th  brief  Commentaries,  defending  them  against 
the  misconstructions  of  the  Arians. 

That  he  w^as  a  Universahst,  the  uncontradicted  testi- 
mony of  cotemporary  and  succeeding  writers',  is,  per- 

Jerome  and  Rufiiius  allude  to  it,  as  a  well  known  fact.     Cyrillus 
Scythopolitanus,  (Vitse  S.P.  Sabae  cap.  90.  inter  Cotelerii  Mon.  Eccl. 

17 


194  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

haps,  sufficient  evidence ;  but  his  condemnation,  as 
such,  by  the  General  Council  of  Constantinople,  more 
tlian  a  century  and  a  half  after  his  death,  confirms  the 
fact,  and  at  the  same  time  proves  that,  with  the  doctrine 
of  the  Restoration,  he  also  held  that  of  the  Pre-exist- 
ence  of  souls  ™.  That  posthumous  sentence  of  excom- 
munication, however,  by  consigning  his  heretical  works 
to  destruction,  has  denied  us  the  satisfaction  of  adducing 
his  own  language  ;  but  even  in  the  few  of  his  writings 
that  still  remain,  we  find  some  traces  of  the  obnoxious 
doctrine,  which  were  probably  overlooked  by  the  ancient 
censors.  He  says  that  "  as  mankind,  by  being  reclaim- 
"  ed  from  their  sins,  are  to  be  subjected  to  Christ  in 
"  the  fulness  of  the  dispensation  instituted  for  the  salva- 
"  tion  of  all,  so  the  superior  rational  intelligences,  the 
"  angels,  will  be  reduced  to  obedience  by  the  correction 
"  of  their  vices  "."  It  is  said  that  he  also  disapproves 
of  all  servile  fear  ^. 

We  might  here  take  our  leave  of  his  writings.  But 
on  one  subject,  remotely  connected  with  Universalism, 
he  has  some  remarks  which  deserve  our  notice,  as  evinc- 
ing tlie  gleams  of  a  more  rational  view  of  the  scriptures, 
than  was  common  in  his  time.  To  prove  the  godhead 
and  personality  Of  the  Holy  Ghost,  he  wrote  a  much  ad- 
mired treatise,  preserved  to  us  by  the  translation  of  his 

Graecoe  Tom.  iii.)  a  writer  of  the  sixth  century,  is  the  next  whom  I 
recollect.  m  Cyrill.  Scythopoiit.  Vit.  S.  P.  Sabse  cap.  90. 

n  Didyrni  Comment,  in  i  Pet.  iii.  I  have  not  access  to  this  work, 
which  is  to  be  found  only  in  the  great  Bibliotheca  Patrum ;  and  I 
therefore  quote  from  Huetii  Origenian.  Lib.  ii.  Cap.  2.  Quoest.  iii. 
§  26.  o  Du  Pin's  Bibliotli.  Pat.  Art.  Didymus.     He  refers  to 

the  above-named  work. 


vi.]  OF  UNI  VERS  ALISM.  195 

friend  Jerome ;  and  in  the  course  of  the  work,  he  took 
occasion  to  treat  of  the  '  blasphemy  which  shall  not  be 
*  forgiven  in  this  age,  nor  in  that  to  come.'  The  blas- 
phemers, he  thinks,  may  have  been  the  blinded  Jews  5 
and  their  punishment,  that  which  came  upon  them  when 
tliey  were  delivered  up  to  the  Romans,  and  scattered 
over  the  whole  earth.  Admitting  this  application,  says 
he,  "  we  are  to  understand,  that  they  will  be  pursued 
"  with  vengeance  from  the  Lord,  not  for  a  short  period 
"  only,  but  for  the  whole  future  age  ;  so  that  they  shall 
"  be  captives  and  fugitives  even  to  the  end  of  the  world, 
"  wandering  among  all  nations,  and  possessing  neither 
"  city  nor  country.  Nevertheless,  as  God  who  over- 
"  threw  them,  is  naturally  kind  and  compassionate,  he 
"  hath  still  reserved  to  them  a  space  for  repentance,  if 
"  they  will  but  be  converted.  Wherefore  it  is  said.  He 
"  hath  called  to  mind  the  days  of  the  age.  Accordingly, 
"  he  hath  opened  the  door  which  was  closed  against  a 
"  certain  part  of  them ;  and  after  the  fulness  of  the  Gen- 
"  tiles  shall  have  come  in,  then  all  Israel  (who  shall  be 
"  worthy  of  this  appellation)  will  be  saved  p."  It  is  not 
unreasonable  to  suppose  that  we  are  indebted  to  Jerome 
for  the  parenthesis. 

Though  not  reckoned  among  the  Orlgenists  of  his 
time,  Didymus  was  undoubtedly  by  them  considered, 
and  justly  too,  as  their  chief  patron.  His  apparent  good 
sense,  and  what  was  still  more  rare,  his  universal  can- 
dor, reflect  an  agreeable  light  even  upon  their  character, 
and  clear  them  from  some  of  tlie  aspersions  afterwards 

P  Didymi  Lib.  De.  Spiritu  Sancto,  cap.  3.  Inter  Hieronymi  Opera, 
Edit,  Martianay,  Tom.  iv.  Pt.  i.  p.  522. 


196  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

cast  upon  their  name.  He  was  a  voluminous  ^vi'iter; 
but  only  two  or  three  of  his  works,  his  treatise  On  the 
Holy  Ghost,  his  Comment  allies  on  the  Canonical  Epist- 
les, and  a  fragment  of  his  book  Against  the  Manicheans,"^ 
have  survived  the  waste  of  time,  and  the  exterminating 
decrees  of  later  ages.  During  his  life,  however,  he 
was  accounted  a  distinguished  champion  of  the  ortho- 
doxy of  that  period  ;  and  he  died  peacefully  in  the 
general  communion,  honored  and  esteemed  by  the 
church.  Like  most  of  his  cotemporaries,  he  engaged 
heartily  in  support  of  the  monastic  institution  ;  and  his 
renown,  and  his  influential  station  as  President  of  the 
first  school  in  Christendom,  enabled  him  to  exert  his 
zeal  with  much  effect.  In  the  list  of  scholars  who,  at 
various  times,  studied  under  him,  appear  the  names  of 
Jerome,  Rufinus,  Palladius  and  Isidorus.  He  died 
probably  in  the  year  394,  aged  about  ninety''. 

XX.  Could  learning,  talents  and  immortal 
A.  D.  380,  renown,  when  dissociated  from  sound  in- 
to 390.  tegrity  and  the  mild  spirit  of  the  gospel, 
confer  honor  on  any  doctrine,  Universalisra 
might  exult  in  pronouncing  the  famous  Jerome  one  of 
her  advocates.  Twenty  or  thirty  years  ^  since,  while 
yet  a  boy,  he  w^as  sent  from  his  native  Pannonia  be- 
yond   the  Adriatic,   to    pursue    his    studies  at  Rome. 

0  There  are  some  fragments  o?  Comment aries  on  the  Psalms,  bearing 
his  name,  in  the  '"Aurea  Catena,  interprete  Daniele  Barbaro."  Ven- 
etiis,  15()9.  But  I  suppose  that  we  liave  no  good  authority  for  at- 
tributing these  to  Didymus.  ^  Hieronymi  Catalog.  Art. 
Didymus  Alexandrinus.  Tom.  iv.  Du  Pin  mistakes  his  age,  if  indeed 
the  figures  in  his  arronnt.  be  not  an  error  of  tlie  press.  s  The 
year  of  Jerome's  birtli  is  uncertain.  Du  Pin  whom  I  follow,  has  at- 
tempted a  chronology  of  the  principal  events  of  his  life,  according  to 
which  he  must  have' been  born  about  A.  D.  840.  or  342,  Biblioth. 
Pat.  Art.  Jerome,  Note  (b.) 


vL]  OF  UNIVERSALISM;  I97 

Having  at  length  completed  his  education  there,  and 
received  baptism,  he  travelled,  with  an  insatiable  thirst 
for  knowledge,  first  into  the  West,  and  visited  the  learn- 
ed men  in  Gaul ;  whence  he  returned,  and  after  a  short 
stay  in  Italy,  continued  his  journey,  around  the  head 
of  the  Adriatic,  into  the  East.  Here  he  spent  many 
years  in  Syria,  Palestine  and  Egypt,  studying  with  the 
eminent  fathers  and  doctors,  attending  the  councils,  and 
practising  the  monastic  discipUne  in  all  hs  rigors.  In 
the  course  of  these  various  pursuits,  he  studied  awhile 
(about  A.  D.  380,)  under  Gregory  Nazianzen  at  Con- 
stantinople ;  and  after  making  a  visit  of  some  length  at 
Rome,  he  sailed  to  Egypt,  and  entered  the  monasteries 
of  Nitria,  in  the  year  386.  He  soon  came  down  to 
Alexandria,  however,  and  there  spent  about  a  month 
under  the  instructions  of  Didymus.  But  disliking  the 
Origenists,  though  himself  a  professed  admirer  of  their 
master,  he  left  Egypt  and  retired  to  Palestine.  Seclud- 
ed in  a  little  cell  at  Bethlehem,  amid  the  scenes  of  our 
Saviour's  nativity,  he  devoted  his  time  to  monkish 
austerities,  and  to  writing  Commentaries,  in  imitation 
of  Origen,  on  the  JYew  Testament,  These  appeared 
about  A.  D.  388. 

In  that  upon  Ephesians,  he  represents  the  Apostle  as 
teaching  that  all  mankind  shall  eventually  come,  in  the 
unity  of  the  faith,  and  in  the  knowledge  of  the  Son  of 
God,  into  a  perfect  man  in  Christ  Jesus* ;  and  that  ''  in 
"  the  end  or  consummation  of  things,  all  shall  be 
"  restored  to  their  original  state,  and  be  again  united  in 

t  Hieronymi  Comment.  Lib,  ii.  in  Epist.  ad  Ephes.  cap,  iv.  13. 
Tom.  ivi  Part.  i.  Edit.  Martianay. 

17* 


198  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap- 

"  one  body  "."  He  says  "  we  cannot  be  ignorant  that 
"  Christ's  blood  benefitted  the  angels  and  those  who 
"  are  in  hell ;  though  we  know  not  the  manner  in  which 
"  it  produced  such  effects ""."  In  another  passage  he 
represents  "  the  whole  intelligent  creation  by  the  simile 
of  an  animal  body,"  of  w^hich  the  flesh,  arteries,  veins, 
nerves  and  bones,  having  been  dissected  and  scattered 
around,  are  all  to  be  united  again,  by  a  skilful  hand, 
and  reanimated.  "  Now^,"  continues  he,  "  in  the  res- 
"  titution  of  all  things,  when  Christ,  the  true  Physician, 
"  shall  come  to  heal  the  body  of  the  universal  church, 
"  torn  at  present  and  dislocated  in  its  members,  then 
"  shall  every  one,  according  to  the  measure  of  his  ow^n 
"  faith  and  knowledge  of  the  Son  of  God,  assume  his 
"  proper  office,  and  return  to  his  original  state  ;  not, 
"  however,  as  some  heretics  represent,  that  all  will  be 
"  changed  into  angels,  or  made  into  creatures  of  one 
"  uniform  rank.  But  each  member  shall  be  made  per- 
"  feet  according  to  his  peculiar  office  and  capacity. 
"  For  instance  :  the  Apostate  angel  shall  become  such 
"  as  he  was  created ;  and  man,  who  has  been  cast  out 
"  of  paradise,  shall  be  restored  thither  again.  And  this 
"  shall  be  accomplished  in  such  a  way,  that  all  shall  be 
"  united  together  by  mutual  charity,  so  that  the  mera- 
"  bers  will  delight  in  each  other,  and  rejoice  in  each 
"  others'  promotion.  Then  shall  the  whole  body  of 
"  Christ,  the  universal  church,  such  as  it  was  originally, 
"  dwell  in  the  celestial  Jerusalem,  which,  in  another 
"passage,  the    Apostle   calls  the  mother  of  saints'^." 

u  Ditto,  ad  Ephes.  cap.  iv.  4.  ▼  Ditto,  ad  Ephes.  cap.  iv.  10, 

w  Ditto,  ad  Ephes,  cap.  iv  16. 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISat  I99 

Again,  Jerome  says,  "  the  apostate  angels,  and  th€ 
"  prince  of  this  world,  and  Lucifer  the  morning  star, 
"  though  now  ungovernable,  licentiously  wandering 
"  about,  and  plunging  themselves  into  the  depths  of  sin, 
"  shall,  in  the  end,  embrace  tlie  happy  dominion  of 
"  Christ  and  his  saints^. 

At  the  time  of  writing  these  Commentaries,  Jerome 
was  towards  the  age  of  fifty.  His  influence  among  the 
ortliodox,  we  shall  have  abundant  occasion  to  exemplify. 
At  present,  however,  we  may  only  trace  a  particular 
friendship,  the  unhappy  termination  of  which,  we  shall 
be  obliged  hereafter  to  describe  as  agitating  the  church, 
and  in  some  measure  affecting  the  cause  of  Universal- 
ism.  Nearly  twenty  years  since,  during  his  first  journey 
into  the  East,  he  happened  to  stop  awhile  in  the  city 
of  Aquileia,  at  the  northern  extremity  of  the  Adriatic, 
and  there  formed  an  acquaintance  with  Rufinus,  a  young 


^  Ditto.  Lib.  i.  in  fjpist.  ad  Ephes.  cap.  ii.  7.  In  two  other  works, 
also,  written  about  this  time.  Jerome  asserted  Universalism  :  Hie- 
ronymi  Comment.  Lib,  ii.  in  Epist.  ad  Galatas,  cap.  iv.  1. — and  Com- 
ment, in  Amos  cap.  iv.  The  latter  was  not  composed  till  about 
A.  D.  390 

Afterwards^  in  his  famous  quarrel  with  Rufinus,  Jerome  denied 
the  doctrine  of  Universal  Salvation,  and  attempted,  by  numerous 
prevarications,  to  escape  the  just  charge  of  having  been  a  follower 
of  Origen.  Among  other  things,  he  pretended  (Apolog.  advers. 
Rufinum  Lib.  iii.  p.  447.  Tom.iv.  Part,  ii.)  that  in  his  Commentaries 
on  Ephesians  he  had  merely  introduced  some  sentiments  as  Ori- 
gen's,  without  approving  them.  As  to  this  pretence,  I  shall  here 
only  subjoin  the  deliberate  judgment  of  two  critics,  who  will  not  be 
suspected  of  injustice  to  Jerome  :  Huet  (Origenian.  Lib.  ii.  cap.  4, 
Sect,  i,  §  17.)  thinks  it  fully  proved  against  Jerome,  that  he  had 
commended  Origen's  doctrine  ;  and  that  he  himself  was  forced,  at 
last,  virtually  to  confess  the  charge.  To  this  judgment  of  Huet,  says 
Du  Pin  (Bibliotheca  Pat.  Art.  Jerome.)  "  I  willingly  subscribe  ;  and 
"  do  not  doubt  that  as  many  as  have  ever  read  Jerome  ,  will  be 
"  of  the  game  mind."     See  the  next  Chapter,  particularly  Seet.  xt. 


200  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

and  promising  scholar  of  the  place.     Their  friendship 
continued  undisturbed  down  to  the  present  period,  and 
even  somewhat  later.     Rufinus  had  early  followed  him 
into  the  East :  in  company  with  Melania,  a  nohle  lady 
of  Rome,  he  had  sailed  to  Egypt  in  A.  D.  372,  visited 
tlie  monks  of  Nitria,   spent  some  time  with  Didyraus 
at   Alexandria,  and    then  retired,   probably   the  next 
year,  with  his  patroness  to  Jerusalem.       Here  Melania 
employed  her  abundant  wealth  in  religious  and  charitable 
donations,   in  advancing   the    monastic    cause,  and   in 
supporting  the  numerous  pilgrims  who  resorted  to  the 
holy  places.     With  her,  Rufinus  among  others  enjoyed 
a  quiet  retreat,  and  devoted  himself  to  study  and  pious 
services,   surrounded   by  the   venerable   objects  which 
the  Holy  City  presented  to  awaken  his  devotion.     He 
still  remained  here,  when  Jerome  took  up  his  permanent 
abode  at  Bethlehem,  only  six  miles  distant.     Both  had 
already   entered   freely  into  the  sentiments  of  Origen  ; 
and  their  present  intimacy  was  well  calculated  to  cherish 
those  notions.     There  is  no  reason,  however,  for  sup- 
posing Rufinus  to  have  been,  at  anytime,  a  Universalist^; 
unless  we  may  derive  a  faint,  and  it  seems  unwarrantable 
suspicion,  from  his  having  preserved,  in  his  numerous 
translations  from  Origen,  those  passages  entire  which 
taught  Universalism,  while  he  altered  or  omitted   such 
as  disagreed  with  the    orthodox  trinitarianism.     This 
circumstance  does,  indeed,  show  that  if  he  did  not  be- 

y  Huet  (Origenian.  Lib.  ii.  cap.  2,  Qusest.  xi,  $  25,)  thinks  Rufinus 
insinuated  that  though  the  devil  would  be  endlessly  miserable,  yet 
guilty  men  would  suifer  only  temporary  punishment.  But  to  me,  the 
passages  to  which  Huet  refers,  convey  no  intimation  of  the  latter 
opinion,  but  rather  the  contrary. 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  201 

lieve  the  former  doctrine,  he  nevertheless  regarded  it, 
like  his  cotemporaries,  as  no  reprehensible  error  ;  and 
his  faithful  attachment  to  John,  the  bishop  of  Jerusalem, 
confirms  this  conclusion.  Before  we  pass,  it  should 
be  remarked,  that  both  Jerome  and  Rufinus,  though 
Latin  writers,  and  natives  of  the  West,  belonged  more 
properly  to  the  eastern  church,  where  their  principal 
connexions  were  formed,  and  their  doctrinal  education 
matured. 

XXI.  Evagrius  Ponticus,  v/ho  flourished 
A.  p.  390.  among  the  orthodox  of  this  period,  as  a 
scholar  and  monk  of  considerable  emin- 
ence, must  be  pronounced  a  Universalist,  on  the  un- 
disputed testimony  of  the  Fifth  General  Council ;  in 
which,  a  century  and  a  half  after  his  death,  he  was 
anathematized  with  Didymus,  for  having  taught  the 
Restoration  of  all,  and  the  Pre-existence  of  souls  ,^. 
But  the  same  sentence  which  has  preserved  the  mem- 
ory of  his  doctrine,  destroyed  the  obnoxious  part  of 
his  writings,  and  left  nothing  but  a  few^  works  consist- 
ing chiefly  of  ceremonial  rules  and  practical  instructions 
for  monks.  In  these,  both  their  subject  and  the  cir- 
cumstance of  their  having  been  tolerated,  render  it 
improbable  that  any  thing  is  to  be  found  to  our  purpose. 
We  have  therefore  only  to  add  a  brief  sketch  of  his 
life,  and  then  proceed  to  some  accounts  of  other  indi- 
viduals. 

Having  come   from  his  native   country  of  Pontus,  to 
Cappadocia,  not  far  from  A.  D.  375,  he  w'as  appointed 

z  Cyrilli  Scythopolit.  Vit,  S,P.  Sabre  cap.  90. 


202  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

Reader  in  the  church  of  Cesarea,  by  Basil  the  Great ; 
on  whose  death,  Gregory  Nyssen  ordained  him  Deacon. 
After  a  while,  Evagrius  went  to  Constantinople,  where 
he  studied  the  scriptures  under  Gregory  Nazianzen, 
and  was,  by  him,  promoted  to  the  Archdeaconship. 
Here  he  remained  a  few  years  after  his  master  retired 
from  the  city  ;  but  being  himself  at  length  obhged  to 
flee  from  the  matrimonial  jealousy  of  a  nobleman,  he 
came  to  Jerusalem,  about  A.  D.  385,  and  was  received 
and  supported  in  the  charitable  establishment  of  Mela- 
nia.  In  the  society  of  Rufinus  and  others,  he  was  here 
persuaded  to  embrace  the  monastic  life ;  and  after  a 
residence  of  five  years  in  Palestine,  he  went,  in  A.  D. 
390,  to  the  famous  retreat  of  Nitria,  where  he  took 
up  his  permanent  abode  among  the  Origenists.  The 
remainder  of  his  life  was  passed  in  great  austerity, 
and  in  close  application  to  study  and  composition.  He 
lived  in  the  orthodox  communion,  and  died  at  the  age 
of  fifty  four  with  the  reputation  of  much  sanctity  and 
considerable  learning  ^. 

XXII.  Were  it  allowable  to  indulge  conjecture  on 
mere  appearances,  w^e  might  conclude  that  nearly  all 
the  leading  Origenists  of  this  period  were  believers  in 
Universalism  ;  for  such  is  the  impression  the  historian 
must  naturally  feel  in  contemplating  the  peculiar  cir- 
cumstances of  their  lives,  their  intimacy  with  Didymus 
and  with  others  who  are  known  to  have  held  that  doc- 
trine, and  their  respect  for  the  favorite  father  whose 

a  We  must  not  confound  Evagrius  Ponticus  with  his  cotemporary, 
Evagrius  Antiochenus,  nor  with  a  later  writer,  Evagrius  Scholasticus, 
the  ecclesiastical  historian. 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  203 

name  they  bore.  Passing  over  the  undistinguished 
multitude,  who  had,  perhaps,  only  their  wretchedness 
and  austerity  to  recommend  them  to  a  momentary  rep- 
utation, and  who  could  now  form,  at  best,  but  a  blank 
catalogue  of  names,  there  are  still  two  or  three  who 
must  here  be  introduced  to  notice.  Palladius  a  native 
of  Galatia,  and  a  disciple  of  Evagrius  Ponticus  in  Egypt, 
was  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  faithful  supporters  of 
the  party.  He  was  now  a  monk  in  the  solitude  of  Ni- 
tria;  but  ill  health  soon  driving  him  into  the  world,  he 
afterwards  obtained  a  bishopric  in  Asia  Minor,  became 
considerably  known  by  the  part  he  took  in  the  public 
affairs  of  the  church,  and  preserved  his  name  from  ob- 
livion by  writing  some  historical  or  biographical  works, 
which  yet  remain.  Another  influential  member  of  the 
party  was  the  venerable  Isidorus,  an  aged  Presbyter 
of  Alexandria,  whom  Athanasius  had  ordained  many 
years  before,  and  who  had  spent  his  early  life  among 
the  monasteries  of  the  Nitrian  desert. 

Directing  our  view  to  the  churches  of  Palestine,  we 
behold  the  episcopal  chair  of  the  Holy  City  filled  by 
John  of  Jerusalem,  an  Origenist,  who  with  Isidorus,  will 
hereafter  appear,  bearing  an  important  part  in  the  sub- 
ject of  this  history,  and  affording  some  evidence  that  he 
w^as  a  Universalist.  He  had  lately^  succeeded  Cyrill  in 
tlie  bishopric  of  Jerusalem  ;  and  the  friendship  of  Mela- 
nia,  Rufinus,  and  their  associates,  reheved  his  cares,  and 
strengthened  his  influence.  Of  his  earher  life,  we  only 
know  that  he  was  born   about  A.   D.   356,   that    his 

bin  A,D,387, 


204  THE  ANCIExNT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

youth  was  devoted  to  the  monastic  disciplme,  but  that, 
quitting  his  retirement,  he  was  ordained  Presbyter  before 
tlie  year  378,  and  that  he  was  chosen  to  the  see  of  Je- 
rusalem in  A.  D.  387. 

XXIII.  Having  so  long  confined  ourselves  to  the  eas- 
tern churches,  where  alone  we  can  discover  the  preva- 
lence of  Universalism,  we  may  now  turn  our  attention 
to  the  West.  A  multitude  of  obscure  names,  almost 
for2;otten,  if  we  except  those  of  Optatus,  a  Numidian 
bishop,  and  Philastrius,  an  Itahan,  fill  the  hst  of  ecclesi- 
astical writers,  among  the  Latins,  in  the  interval  be- 
tween the  time  of  Hilary,  and  the  present.  Now,  how- 
ever, they  had  a  very  eminent  and  popular  doctor  in 
Ambrose,  archbishop  of  Milan  in  Italy  :  a  man  of  mod- 
erate learning,  but  of  a  polite  education,  of  the  most 
vigorous  talents,  determined  courage,  and  of  an  in- 
fluence so  powerful  as  to  approach  towards  absolute  au- 
thority in  the  state,  as  well  as  in  the  church.  Of  the 
future  condhion  of  mankind,  his  views  nearly  coincided 
with  those  which  Hilary  and  Lactantjus  had  before  ad- 
vanced :  All  who  have  attained,  in  this  life, 
A.  D.  384,     to  the  character  of  perfect  saints,  such  as 

to  390.  the  apostles,  and  some  others,  w411,  he  sup- 
posed, rise  from  the  dead  in  the  first  resur- 
rection 5  and  enduring,  with  litde  pain,  the  ordeal  of  the 
flaming  sword,  or  the  baptism  of  fire,  at  the  gate  of  Pa- 
radise, they  will  quickly  enter  into  everlasting  joy.  But 
the  imperfect  saints  will  undergo  a  trial  severer  in  pro- 
portion to  their  vices ;  and  such  as  have  only  been  be- 
lievers, without  the  virtues  of  the  gospel,  whom  he  de- 
nominates the  sinners^  will  remain  in  the  torments  of  fire 


vi.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  205 

till  the  second  resurrection,  and  perhaps  still  longer,  that 
they  may  be  purified  from  their  wickedness.  These 
three  classes,  the  perfect  saints,  the  imperfect,  and  the 
sinners,  shall  each  be  arraigned,  except  perhaps  the 
first,  at  the  great  Judgment-day  ;  and  what  is  remark- 
able, all  who  are  then  tried,  shall  sooner  or  later  be 
saved.  But  there  is  another,  a  fourth  class,  which  he 
distinguishes  as  the  impious  or  the  infidels,  who,  to- 
gether with  the  Devil  and  his  angels,  shall  never  be 
brought  to  judgment,  because  they  have  been  already 
condemned.  For  these  he  apparently  reserves  no 
chance  of  restoration,  but  leaves  them  to  an  eternity 
of  hopeless  suffering  °. 

The  author  usually  quoted  under  the  name  of  Am- 
brosiaster,  who  is  generally  supposed  to  have  been  one 
Hilary  a  deacon  of  Rome,  held  that  all  such  behevers 
as  embrace  erroneous  doctrines,  while  they  neverthe- 
less retain  the  essential  principles  of  Christianity,  must 
be  subjected  to  the  purification  of  fire,  in  the  future 
world,  before  they  can  be  saved*^.  He  likewise  taught 
that  our  Saviour  descended,  after  his  crucifixion,  to  the 
invisible  regions  of  the  dead,  and  there  converted  all, 
whether  impious  or^  ordinary  sinners,  who  willingly 
sought  his  aid®.  Christ's  mission,  indeed,  according 
to  him,  enabled  even  the  erring  and  apostatized  powers 
of  heaven  to  cast  off  the  yoke  of  the  devil,  and  to  re- 


c  Ambrosii  Mediolanensis  in  Psalm.  1.  Enarrat,  §  51,  52,53,  54,  56; 
in  Ps.  cxviii.  Exposit.  Serm.  iii.  §  14 — 17.  &  Serm.  xx.  §  12. 13, 14, 
23. 24.  The  dates  of  these  works  are  pl.iC6d  from  A.  D.  386  to 
A.  D.  390.  d  Comment,   ad  Epist.  i    Corinth,  cap.  iii.  15.   in 

Append,  ad  Ambrosii  Mediolanensis  Oper.   Tom.   ii.  e  Com- 

ment, in  Epist.  ad  Ephes.  cap  iv.  8,  9. 

18 


206  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

turn  to  God^;  but  still  it  appears  to  have  been  his 
decided  belief  that  there  were  cases  of  such  obstinate 
rebellion,  among  wicked  souls  as  well  as  angels,  as  to 
be  past  all  recovery. 

With  the  notice  of  this  writer,  we  close,  for  the  pres- 
ent, our  account  of  the  orthodox  christians. 

XXIV.  During  more  than  half  of  this  century,  the 
Arians  were  numerous  enough  to  dispute  the  superiority 
in  the  church,  especially  in  the  East  5  and  it  is  natural 
for  us  to  enquire,  what  were  their  sentiments  with  re- 
gard to  the  ultimate  salvation  of  the  world  ?  But  we 
shall  seek  in  vain  for  their  own  testimony  in  answer. 
Though  they  were  supported,  in  their  day,  by  the  influ- 
ence of  eminent  bishops,  and  defended  by  the  labors 
of  learned  doctors,  the  victorious  fortune  of  their  ad- 
versaries has  obliterated  almost  every  fragment  of  their 
writings  from  the  pages  of  time,  and  left  a  wide  erasure 
which  no  learning  nor  art  can  restore.  We  only  know 
that,  except  what  related  to  the  trinity,  their  doctrine 
was  considered  the  same  with  that  of  the  Consubstan- 
tiahsts ;  and  it  seems  that  in  all  the  passion  of  contro- 
versial warfare,  they  never  reproached  their  unsparing 
opponents  for  their  frequent   avowal  of  Universalism  ^, 


f  Ditto  ad  Ephes.  cap.  iii.  10.  N.  B  These  Commentaries  are  sup- 
posed to  have  been  written  about  A.  D.  384.  s  Ennoniius,  one 
cf  the  most  celebrated  Arians,  who  flourislied  from  A.  D.  360  to 
A.  D.  3l!4,  is  cliarged  by  three  Greek  writers  of  the  12th  century, 
with  having  held  that  all  the  threatenings  of  eternal  torments  were 
intended  only  to  terrify  mankind,  and  were  never  meant  to  be  exe- 
cuted. (See  Dalsamon  ad  Canon,  i  Constantinopol.  And  Ilarmenop- 
ulus,  De  Sect.  13.  And  J.  Zonaras  ad  Canon,  in  Deiparam.)  The 
authority  of  these  modern  Greeks,  however,  is  but  small;  and  in 
this  case  it  is  not  sustained  by  any  testimony  more  ancient,  nor  by 


viL]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  207 

These  circumstances  may  strengthen  a  conjecture, 
which  is  not  in  itself  improbable,  that  the  doctrine 
received  about  the  same  degree  of  patronage  among 
both  parties ;  so  that  neither  was  under  temptation 
to  accuse  the  other.  From  similar  considerations,  the 
suspicion  of  ambiguity  naturally  rests,  liliewise,  upon  the 
few  Sabellians  of  this  period.  And  we  may  extend  the 
remark  to  the  small  schismatical  sects  of  IVovatians, 
Donatists,  and  Meletians ;  who  were  separated  from  the 
orthodox  church,  only  by  some  trivial  distinctions  of 
disciphne  and  ecclesiastical  government,  or  by  the  ir- 
regular succession  of  their  bishops. 

The  uncertain,  or  perhaps  divided,  opinions  of  the 
Manicheans,  on  the  subject  of  Universal  Salvation,  have 
been  already  mentioned.  At  present,  however,  it  seems 
to  have  become  the  general  belief,  at  least  of  those  in 
Africa  '\  that  many  human  souls  would  prove  utterly 
irreclaimable,  and  be  therefore  stationed  forever,  as  a 
guard,  upon  the  frontiers  of  the  world  of  darkness.  The 
sect  had  now  increased  to  a  vast  number,  although  ab- 
horred by  every  other  party,  and  indefatigably  opposed 
by  a  large  proportion  of  the  orthodox  writers,  from  Eu- 
sebius  Pamphilus  downwards ;  and  it  lurked  in  all  parts 

the  fragments  of  Eunomius  yet  extant.  On  the  contrary,  in  the  for- 
mal Declaration  of  Faith,  which  he  sent  to  the  emperor  Theodosius, 
A.  D.  383,  he  says,  ''  they  who  persevere  in  impiety  or  sin  till  the 
"  close  of  life,  shall  be  delivered  to  everlasting  punishment." 
(Fabricii  Biblioih.  Grfec.  Tom.  viii.  p.  260.;  At  the  end  of  his  Epi 
log.  ad  Apologiam,  he  remarks  that  in  the  general  judgment,  Christ 
will  consign  such  as  make  light  of  sin,  to  remediless  suffering.  (Cavei 
Hist.  Literar.  Art,  Eunomius,  p.  222.) 

h  Lardner's  Credibility  &c.  Chap.  Mani  and  his  Followers.  Sect, 
iv.  nS. 


208  "THE  AxNCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

of  Christendom,  notwithstanding  it  had  been  repeatedly 
proscribed  by  the  edicts  of  successive  emperors.  Al- 
ready could  the  alarming  and  inextinguishable  heresy 
boast  of  many  eminent  advocates,  and  of  some  respec- 
table authors  ;  and  for  several  years  it  received  the 
flattering  patronage  of  the  young  Augustine,  the  future 
bishop  of  Hippo  and  renowned  orthodox  latlier.  The 
care  of  a  pious  mother  had  trained  him  up  in  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  catholic  faith ;  but  at  the  age  of  seventeen, 
he  imbibed  the  sentiments  of  Mani ;  and  though  never 
a  very  zealous  partizan  nor  a  thoroughly  instructed 
disciple,  he  continued  to  cherish  the  proscribed  doctrine 
till  he  entered  on  his  thirty  first  year.  Residing  how- 
ever at  Milan  in  Italy,  in  A.  D.  385,  he  was  so  struck 
with  the  arguments  and  illustrations  of  the  eloquent 
archbishop  Ambrose,  that  he  resolved  to  forsake  tlie 
heresy ;  and  in  the  course  of  a  year  or  two,  he  was 
fully  converted  to  the  orthodox  religion,  and  received 
by  baptism,  into  the  church. 


CHAPTER  Vn. 

[From  A.  D.  391,  to  A.  D  404.] 

I.    The  three  prmcipal  Sees  of  christen- 
A.  D.  391.     dom  were  now  filled  by  Pope   Smcius  at 
Rome,  by  the   ambitious   and  unprincipled 
Theophilus  at  Alexandria,  and  by  Evagrius,  (not  Evag- 
rius  Ponticus)  at  Antioch.     Of  some  inferior,  yet  dis- 
tinguished bishoprics,  that  of  Constantinople  was  held 
by  old  Nectarius,  successor  of  Gregory  Nazianzen  ;  that 
of  the    island    Cj^rus,  by  Epiphanius,  the    aged    and 
persevering   enemy  of  the   Origenists  ;    and  John  the 
Universalist,  presided  over  that  of  Jerusalem.     In  the 
West,  Ambrose   governed  tlie   churches  of  Milan,  and 
by  his  astonishing  influence  controled  the  civil  as  well 
as  the  religious  concerns  of  Italy  and  Gaul.     Of  a  mul- 
titude of  ecclesiastical  writers  who  flourished  at  this 
time,  we  may  here  mention  only  three  :    the  learned 
Jerome,  whose  fame  had  already  filled  the  world  ;  young 
Chrysostom  the  prince  of  christian  orators,  whose  renown 
began  to  extend  beyond  the  sphere  of  his  labors  hi  the 
great  city  of  Antioch  ;  and  the  immortal  Augustine,  who 
was  rising  into  notice,   amidst  his  native   Numidia  in 
Africa.     Of  the   authors  formerly  mentioned,  Titus  of 
Bostra  and  Basil  the  Great,  had  long  been  dead  ;  Greg- 
18* 


210  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap, 

ory  Nazianzen  expired  in  his  native  village,  about  two 
years  since  ;  Didymus  still  sur\ived,  at  Alexandria,  but 
in  extreme  old  age  ;  and  Gregory  Nyssen  had  approach- 
ed within  three  or  four  years  the  close  of  his  life. 
Jerome  continued  at  his  cell  in  Bethlehem  ;  Evagrius 
Ponticus  and  Palladius  of  Galatia  were  among  the  monas- 
teries of  Nitria  ;  and  Isidorus  was  at  Alexandria,  under 
the  patronage  of  the  archbishop  Theophilus. 

The  long  struggle  between  the  Consubstantialists  and 
the  Arians,  had  now  ceased  throughout  the  civilized 
world.  The  latter,  driven  from  all  their  numerous 
churches  in  the  East,  by  the  vigorous  and  unsparing 
persecution  of  Theodosius  the  Great,  and  from  those  in 
the  West,  by  the  imperial  authority  of  Gratian,  had 
taken  refuge  among  the  barbarous  nations  of  Goths  and 
Vandals.  The  schismatical  sects  were,  in  a  measure, 
suppressed  ;  and,  for  a  moment,  the  weapons  of  contro- 
versy and  violence  which  the  orthodox  had  so  long 
vsdelded,  seemed  to  hang  useless  in  their  hands.  But 
an  occasion  for  their  use  soon  offered,  among  themselves, 
in  a  personal  contention,  obscure  and  trifling  at  first, 
which  swelled  and  extended  by  degrees,  till  it  agitated 
the  whole  church. 

n.  Epiphanius  visiting  Jerusalem,  this  year^,  and 
preaching  there  before  a  large  concourse,  in  the  cathe- 
dral church,  made  an  insidious  attack  upon  John  the 
bishop,  by  inveighing   against  Origen,  whom  the   latter 

a  The  dates  in  this  contention  with  the  Origcnists,  down  to  the 
year  397, 1  have  endeavored,  with  some  care,  to  calculate  froniMar- 
tianay's  chronoloffical  notes  prefixed  to  the  4th.  Tom.  of  his  edition 
of  Jerome,  and  from  several  e-xprcssions  found  in  Epist.  xxxiii.  and 
xxxviii.  Hieronymi  Opp,  Tom.iv .  Part  ii.  Some  of  these  dates  have 
manifestly  been  mistaken  by  Huet,  Du  Pin,  Fleury,  &c. 


yii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  211 

was  known  to  admire.  He  reproached  that  ancient 
father,  in  his  wonted  strain,  as  the  parent  of  Arianism 
and  other  heresies  ;  till  at  length  John  sent  his  arch- 
deacon, in  view  of  the  whole  assembly,  to  request  him  to 
forbear.  A  procession  followed,  to  tlie  place  of  our 
Saviour's  crucifixion  ;  and  on  the  way  the  two  prelates 
betrayed  some  indications  of  resentment  on  the  one 
hand,  and  of  neglect  on  the  other.  After  their  return, 
and  w^hile  the  people  still  waited,  John  himself  addressed 
them  ;  and  as  many  opposers  of  the  Origenists  actually 
attributed  to  Deity  a  body  like  our  own,  he  declaimed 
vehemently  against  tliat  gross  error,  in  order  to  reflect  the 
suspicion  of  it  upon  Epiphanius.  But  the  latter,  im- 
mediately standing  up,  joined  his  brother  in  severely 
reprobating  the  notion  ;  then,  turning  suddenly,  called 
upon  the  assembly  to  condemn  likewise  the  perverse 
dogmas  of  Origen  ;  and  he  even  besought  and  warned 
John  himself  to  avoid  them.  This  undisguised  attack 
produced  some  sensation  among  the  people,  and  left,  it 
seems,  an  indelible  impression  on  the  minds  of  both 
the  bishops.*^ 

A  year  or  two  afterwards,  Epiphanius 
A.  D.  393.  came  again  into  Palestine,  and  spent  a  while 
at  a  monastery  he  had  founded  in  his  na- 
tive village,  about  twenty  miles  west  of  Jerusalem. 
Though  the  natural  simpHcity  of  the  bishop  of  Cyprus 
may,  perhaps^  forbid  the  charge  of  studied  or  intentional 
wrong,  yet  his  inconsiderate  officiousness,  and  his  child- 
ly Hieronymi  Epist.  xxxviii.  vel  61.  Tom.  iv.  Part.  ii.  pp.  312,  313, 
Edit.  Martianay.  And  Epiphanii  Epist.  ad  Johannem  Hierosolym. 
in  eodem  Tom.  p.  824. 


212  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

ish  vanity,  which  led  him  sometimes  to  overlook  the 
prescribed  rights  of  others,  gave  just  occasion  for  the 
apprehensions  of  John  ^,  that  this  visit  would  be  marked 
witli  some  act  of  intrusion.  No  sooner  had  Pauhnianus, 
the  brother  of  Jerome,  arrived  on  business  from  Beth- 
lehem, than  Epiphanius,  who  had  long  sought  the  op- 
portunity, ordered  him  to  be  seized,  stopped  his  mouth 
to  prevent  his  refusal,  and  then,  by  force,  made  him 
deacon  :  a  mode  of  procedure  not  very  unfrequent  in 
that  age.  A  few  days  afterward,  he  seized  him  again, 
during  the  services  of  the  monastery,  and  with  the  same 
violence,  imposed  on  him  the  sacred  ordination  of  a 
presbyter.  This  official  act,  performed  by  Epiphanius 
out  of  his  own  jurisdiction,  and  in  the  neighborhood,  if 
not  within  the  diocess  of  Jerusalem,  highly  exasperated 
John  ;  who  complained  angrily  of  the  insult  he  had  suf- 
fered in  the  ordination  of  one  of  his  monks  of  Bethle- 
hem, whhout  his  knowledge  and  permission.  Rumor 
also  brought  to  his  ears  an  unfounded  report,  that  Epi- 
phanius was  in  the  habit  of  abusing  him  in  his  public 
prayers.  The  pilgrims  who  resorted  to  the  Holy  City 
heard,  and  on  their  return  probably  circulated,  his  com- 
plaints and  invectives;  and  he  at  length  threatened 
openly  to  send  letters  to  the  churches  of  the  East  and 
West,  and  thus  publish  his  wrongs  to  the  world  ^. 

III.  The  news  of  the  disturbance  he  had 

A.  D.  394.     left  behind  him  in  Palestine,  soon  reached 

Epiphanius    at    Cyprus;    who    at    length 

wrote  to  John,  endeavoring  to  excuse  his  ordination  of 

c  Epiphanii  Epist,  ad  Johan.  p.  823.  ^  Epiplianii  Epist. 

ad.  Johan.  p.  823.     And  Hieronymi  Epist.  xxxix.  vel  02.  p.  337. 


Tii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  213 

Paulinlanus,  by  alleging  a  practice  among  the  bishops 
of  his  island  to  officiate  on  similar  occasions  without 
regard  to  each  others'  jurisdictions.  He  declared, 
however,  that  he  well  knew  John's  wrath  arose,  not 
from  this  ordination,  but  from  the  old  reproof  for  Origen- 
ism;  and  earnestly  beseeching  him  to  save  himself  from 
tlie  "  untoward  generation  of  heretics,"  he  proceeded  to 
enumerate  the  several  errors  of  Origen.  This  cata- 
logue, though  nearly  the  same  he  had  published  eighteen 
years  before,  is  distinguished  for  containing  the  first 
censure,  on  record,  against  Universahsm.  "  1.  Who 
"  among  the  catholics,"  said  he,  "  and  such  as  adorn 
"  their  faith  with  good  works,  can  hear,  with  an  undis- 
"turbed  mind,  the  doctrine  of  Origen,  or  believe  that 
"  notorious  declaration  of  his.  The  Son  cannot  behold 
"  the  Father,  nor  the  Holy  Ghost  the  Son !  2.  Who 
"  can  endure  him  when  he  says  that  souls  were  origi- 
"  nally  angels  in  heaven,  but  cast  down  into  this  world 
"  after  sinning  in  the  celestial  state,  and  imprisoned  here 
"  in  bodies,  as  in  sepulchresj  in  order  to  punish  them 
"  for  their  former  transgressions  !  so  that  the  bodies  of 
"  believers  are  not  the  temple  of  Christ,  but  the  prisons 
"  of  the  damned.  3.  That  also  which  he  strove  to  es- 
"tablish,  I  know  not  w^hether  to  laugh  or  grieve  at: 
"  Origen,  the  renowned  doctor,  dared  to  teach  that  the 
"  Devil  is  again  to  become  what  he  originally  was,  to 
"  return  to  his  former  dignity,  and  to  enter  the  kingdom 
"  of  heaven !  O  wickedness !  who  is  so  mad  and 
**  stupid  as  to  believe  that  holy  John  Baptist,  and  Peter, 
"  and  John  the  Apostle  and  Evangelist,  and  that  Isaiah 
"  also,  and  Jeremiah,  and  the  rest  of  the  prophets,  are 


214  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

''  to  become  fellow-heirs  with  the  Devil  in  the  kingdom 
"  of  heaven  !  4.  I  pass  over  his  frivolous  explanation 
"  of  the  coats  of  skins  :  with  what  labor,  with  how^  many 
"  arguments,  he  strove  to  make  us  believe  that  those 
"  coats  were  human  bodies  !  Among  other  things,  he 
"  asks.  Was  God  a  leather-dresser,  that  he  should  take 
"  the  skins  of  animals  and  fit  them  into  coats  for  Adam, 
"  and  Eve  ?  Therefore  it  is  manifest,  says  Origen,  that 
'^  it  is  sjyoken  of  our  bodies.  5.  Who  can  patiently 
"  bear  with  him  while  he  denies  the  resurrection  of  this 
"  flesh  ?  as  he  manifestly  does  in  his  explanations  of  the 
"  First  Psalm,  and  in  many  other  places.  6.  Or  who 
"  can  endure  his  notion  that  Paradise,  or  the  Garden  of 
"  Eden,  was  in  the  third  heaven  !  thus  transferring  it 
"  from  the  earth  to  the  skies,  and,  by  an  allegorical  in- 
"  terpretation,  representing  its  trees  to  be  angelic  powders  ! 
"  7.  Who  but  must  instantly  reject  and  condemn  his 
"  delusions,  that  those  waters  above  the  firmament, 
"  mentioned  in  Genesis,  are  not  waters,  but  certain  ce- 
"  lestial  spirits ;  and  that  those  under  the  firmament, 
"  are  demons !  Why,  then,  do  we  read  that  in  the 
"  deluge  the  windows  of  heaven  were  opened,  and  the 
"  waters  of  the  flood  descended  ?  O,  the  madness  and 
"stupidity  of  men  who  have  neglected  what  is  said  in 
"  Proverbs,  My  son,  hear  the  word  of  thy  father,  and 
^forsake  not  the  law  of  thy  mother,  S.  I  do  not  at- 
"  tempt  to  dispute  against  all  his  errors ;  they  are  in- 
"  numerable  ;  but  among  other  things  he  even  dared  to 
"  say  that  Adam  lost  the  image  of  God  !  when  there  is 
"  not  one  passage  of  scripture  that  intimates  it.  If,  in- 
"  deed,  that  were  the  case,  then  would  all  thmgs  wliich 


vii.]  OP  UNIVERSALISM.  215 

"  are  in  the  world  never  have  been  made  subject  to 
"Adam's  posterity,  the  human  race,  as  James  the 
"Apostle  teaches^."  Such  are  the  particulars  that 
Epiphanius  selected  for  special  reprehension.  He  again 
exhorted  John,  as  his  own  son,  to  abstain  from  the 
heresy  ;  and  lamented  that  so  many  of  their  bretliren 
had  already  been  made  "  food  for  the  devil." 

We  have  said  that  in  this  passage  occurs  the  first  cen- 
sure which  is  to  be  found  in  all  antiquity  against  the 
doctrine  of  Universalism.  We  must  remark,  however, 
tliat  even  here  the  censure  falls,  as  the  reader  may  per- 
ceive, not  on  the  doctrine  of  the  salvation  of  all  man- 
kind, but  on  that  of  the  salvation  of  the  devil.  This 
distinction,  though  it  may  seem  captious,  is  of  some  con- 
sequence to  an  accurate  understanding  of  subsequent 
occurrences. 

IV.  With  the  Letter  to  John,  Epiphanius  sent  others, 
on  the  same  subject,  to  the  bishops  of  Palestine  ^;  and  as 
copies  of  the  former  as  well  as  of  the  latter  were  freely 
circulated  through  the  province,  the  matter  soon  awaken- 
ed general  interest^.  Many  of  the  people,  many  of  the 
clergy  seem  to  have  adhered  to  John;  and  Rufinus 
and  Melania  espoused  his  cause,  as  did  also  Palladius  of 
Galatia*^,  who  had  lately  arrived   from    Nitria.      But 

e  Epiphanii  Epist.  ad  Johannem,  inter  Hieronymi  0pp.  Tom.  iv. 
Part.  ii.  Edit.  Martianay.  I  give  a  faithful  translation  of  Epiphani- 
us's  Catalogue  of  Origen's  errors;  but  I  have  in.serted  the  figures  be- 
Ivv^een  the  several  pa-rticulars ;  omitted  three  uninteresting,  and 
to  most  readers,  unintelligible  arguments  which  in  the  original  stood 
between  the  2d  and  3d,  tiie  4th  and  5th,  and  the  6th  and  7th  errors; 
and  passed  over  the  exhortation  which  occurred  between  the  7th  and 
8th.  Hieronymi  Epist.  xxxviii.  adv.  Johan.  Hierosol.  p. 334. 

g  Hieron.  Epist.  xxxiii.  vel  101.  ad  Pammach.  p.  248. 

b  Epiphanii  Epist.  ad  Johan.  pp.  827,  829. 


216  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

otliers,  especially  the  monks  of  Bethlehem,  took  up  for 
Epiphanius,  withdrew  from  the  communion  of  their  ac- 
cused bishop ',  and  in  return,  suffered  from  him,  it  ap- 
pears, some  condemnatory  sentence  for  their  refractory 
procedure  •". 

Jerome,  the  admirer,  the  imitator  of  Origen,  we 
should  expect,  of  course,  to  discover  among  his  bishop's 
adlierents ;  but  two  or  three  circumstances  conspired 
to  engage  him  on  the  opposite  side  :  The  strongest  af- 
fections of  nature  inclined  him  to  defend  the  ordination 
of  his  own  brother  ;  some  personal  difference  she  formerly 
had  with  the  professed  Origenists,  both  at  Rome  and 
Nitria,  vrere,  perhaps,  remembered  with  resentment ; 
and  his  pride  of  learning,  his  haughty  and  petulant  spirit, 
must  have  made  him  restless  under  the  immediate  go- 
vernment of  an  ecclesiastical  superior,  who  was  his  junior 
in  age,  and  whom  he  might  justly  regard  as  far  his  in- 
ferior in  talents  and  acquirements.  He  joined  the  party 
of  Epiphanius,  or  perhaps  gathered  it,  and  translated 
the  Letter  to  John,  for  the  private  use  of  such  monks 
as  were  acquainted  only  \n\h  the  Latin  language.     His 

translation,  though  intended  for  confidential 
A.  D.  395.     circulation,  found  its  way,  the  next  year*^, 

to  Jerusalem  ;  and  it  was  immediately  cen- 
sured, by  Rufinus,  as  unfaithful  to  the  honorable  appel- 
lations bestowed,  in  the  original,  upon  his  bishop.  From 
this  moment  we  discover  an  open  breach  in  the  early 
and  long  cherished  affection  of  the  two  friends  :  Jerome, 

i    Hieron.  Epist.  adv.  Johan.  xxxviii.  p.  308.  j  Ditto.    And  p. 

833.    And  Epist.  xxxix.  ad  Tlieophilum,  p,  338,  dec.  k  Hieron. 

Epist.  fxxiii.  p.  248. 


vii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  217 

who  could  not  bear  reproof,  defended  himself,  and  re- 
sented the  criticism  with  his  accustomed  abuse,  by  call- 
ing its  author  a  pseudo-monk'. 

V.  The  noise  of  the  quarrel  in  Palestine  had  reached 
Alexandria ;  and  Isidorus,  the  aged  patron  of  Origen- 
ism,  felt  himself  called  upon  to  encourage  his  brethren. 
Relying  \\ith  a  misplaced  confidence  on  the  integrity  of 
his  former  friends,  he  addressed  a  letter  to  one  Vincen- 
tius,  a  presb}^er  and  monk  at  Bethlehem,  whom  he  had 
probably  seen,  about  ten  years  before,  in  company  with 
Jerome  in  Egypt.  He  exhorted  him  to  stand  firm  on 
tlie  rock  of  faith,  nor  be  terrified  by  the  threats  of  the 
adversaries  ;  and  added,  "  I  myself  shall  soon  come  to 
"  Jerusalem,  and  the  band  of  enemies  shall  be  dispers- 
"  ed,  who,  always  resisting  the  faith  of  the  church,  at- 
"  tempt  now  to  disturb  the  minds  of  the  simpler  sort™." 
But  Vincentius,  it  seems,  had  already  followed  the  ex- 
ample of  his  master  Jerome,  in  siding  with  Epiphanius ; 
and  this  letter  accordingly  proved  a  providential  warning, 
instead  of  an  encouragement. 

The  increasing  contention,  which  attracted  the  notice 
of  foreign  christians,  alarmed  the  friends  of  tranquillity  at 
home.  Archelaus,  one  of  the  civil  officers  of  the  prov- 
ince, was  vainly  attempting  to  allay  the  disturbance. 
He  invited  both  parties  to  amutual  confeience,  in  which 
they  should  agree  upon  a  common  declaration  of  faith ; 
but  when  the  day  arrived,  John  was  absent  on  some 
parocliial    duty;    and  he  never  appeared,  though  the 

1  Ditto.  m  Hieron.  Epist.  xxxviii.  p.  330. 

19 


2 IS  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

council,  in  reply  to  his  excuse,  offered  to  wait  his  con- 
venience, at  least  for  a  few  days". 

Two  months  afterwards  a  deputation  arrived,  not 
unexpectedly,  from  Theophilus,  the  powerful  and  aspiring 
archbishop  of  Egypt  ;  who,  either  on  the  request  of 
John,  or  at  his  own  suggestion,  gladly  embraced  this 
opportunity  to  extend  his  influence  over  the  foreign 
churches  of  Palestine.  Isidorus  himself  was  entrusted 
with  the  commission,  and  as  deputy,  brought  letters  from 
the  Alexandrian  Primate  to  John  and  Jerome,  the  re- 
spective heads  of  the  contending  parties.  But  a  pro- 
fessed and  zealous  Origenist  was  much  better  qualified 
to  inflame  than  to  compose  a  difficulty,  in  which  his 
favorite  doctrine  was  involved  ;  and  on  his  arrival,  his 
subserAiency  to  the  bishop  of  Jerusalem  was  so  manifest, 
that  Jerome  refused,  with  reason,  his  partial  mediation". 
VI.  Frustrated  in  the  special  object  of  his  mission, 
Isidorus  devoted  himself  exclusively  to  the  assistance  of 

John.  The  letter  of  Epiphanius  had  now 
A.  D.  396.     laid,  unanswered,  before  the  public,  nearly 

tvvo  years  ;  and  the  bishop  availed  himself 
of  his  friend's  assistance  to  produce  a  Reply,  which  had 
become  so  imperiously  required.  It  was  addressed  in 
the  name  of  John,  to  Theophilus  at  Alexandria,  to 
whose  decision  it  appealed.  The  author,  or  rather  the 
authors,  related  the  history  of  the  difficult}^,  complained 
of  the  ordination  of  Paulinianus,  inveighed  against  Je- 
rome, and  charged  him  with  inconsistency  in  reproaching 
Origen  whom  he  had  translated  and  extolled  ;  and  they 

n  Ditto,  pp.  331 ,  332.  o  Ditto,  pp.  330;  331. 


vii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  219 

finally  proceeded  to  an  examination  of  the  errors  which 
Epiphanius  had  enumerated,  and  by  implication,  charg- 
ed against  John.  Out  of  the  eight,  however,  the  wTiters 
answered  to  three  only :  to  the  first,  concerning  the 
Trinity ;  to  the  second,  concerning  Pre-existence  ;  and  to 
the  fifth,  concerning  the  Resurrection.  On  these  three 
points,  they  either  explained  themselves  favorably  p,  or 
absolutely  rejected  the  errors  alleged ;  but  if  we  may 
rely  on  the  mmute  account,  or  on  the  confident  judg- 
ment, of  their  prejudiced  adversary,  Jerome,  they  felt 
unprepared  to  disclaim  the  other  five  particulars  in  the 
catalogue.  That  they  cautiously  avoided  any  notice  of 
them,  is  indubitable  ;  and  we  may  adopt  the  very  nat- 
ural conclusion  that  they  really  held  what  they  so  warily 
passed  over,  the  salvation  of  the  devil  as  well  as  the 
allegorical  expositions  of  Origen*^.  With  this  Reply  to 
Epiphanius,  or  Apology  to  Theophilus,  Isidorus  de- 
parted for  Alexandria;  and  he  probably  assisted  in 
spreading  copies  of  it  through  tlie  churches. 

VII.  These  copies  w^ere  extensively  dispersed,  and 
soon  reached  Italy  and  Rome,  where  the  Letter  of 
Epiphanius  had  been  already  circulated.  Here,  as  in 
other  places,  the  people  were  variously  affected,  some 
inclining  to  one  party,  some  to  the  other ;  and  one  of 
Jerome's  correspondents  wrote  to  him  on  the  perplexi- 

p  According  to  Jerome,  (Epist.  xxxviii.)  they  prevaricated  on 
these  points;  but  I  think  it  evident  from  his  own'account  that  they 
fully  denied  that  of  Pre-existence,  q  Hieron.  Epist.  xxxviii.  adv. 

Johan.  Hierosolyra.  Their  rejection  of  the  error  concerning  Pi'e- 
existence  would,  however  involve  a  denial  of  those  concerning  the 
coats  of  skins,  and  the  garden  of  Eden.  John's  Apology  to  The- 
ophilus is  lost;  and  we  can  judge  of  its  contents  only  from  Jerome's 
account. 


220  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

ties  which  the  subject  had  occasioned,  requesting  a  full 
statement  of  the  affair.  The  communication  of  intelligence 
through  a  distance  of  nearly  five  hundred  leagues,  must 
have  been  dilatory  and  tedious ;    and  Jerome  seems  to 

have  taken  the  earliest  opportunity,  on  re- 
A.  D.  397.     ceipt  of  the  request,  to   compose   his  bitter 

and  sarcastic  Answer  to  Johi's  Apology. 
He  addressed  it,  for  the  most  part,  directly  to  John 
himself;  but  it  was  published  in  the  form  of  a  letter  to 
his  enquiring  friend  at  Rome.  The  origin  of  the  quar- 
rel, the  measures  that  had  been  adopted  for  a  reconcil- 
iation, the  answ^ers  which  John  had  given  to  the  three 
errors,  and  his  silence  with  regard  to  the  rest,  were 
related  and  discussed  at  considerable  length ;  and 
Jerome  concluded  by  defending  his  own  party  from  his 
bishop's  accusations,  and  by  retorting  on  him  the  charge 
of  disturbing  the  church''. 

He  had  just  received  a  letteT  from  Theophilus,  ex- 
horting the  monks  to  peace  and  reconciliation  with  their 
bishop.  It  was  an  object  of  much  importance  to  secure 
tlie  assistance,  or  at  least  the  neutrahty,  of  this  worldly 
minded  but  active  and  influential  prelate,  who  had 
hitherto  appeared  to  favor  the  cause  of  John.  Jerome 
immediately  replied  to  him  in  a  flattering  and  insinuat- 
ing strain  ;  and  declared  that,  agreeably  to  his  recom- 
mendation, he  himself  was  sincerely  for  peace ;  for  such 
peace,  however,  as  would,  in  reality,  be  cordial,  for  the 
peace  of  Christ ;  intimating,  at  the  same  time,  that  tliere 
never  could  be  hearty  concord  between  the  faithful  and 

I  Hieron.  Epist.  xxxviii. 


vii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  221 

the  heretics.  He  embraced  this  opportunity,  like-^ise, 
to  lay  before  Theophilus  a  history  of  the  disturbance, 
to  defend  the  ordination  of  his  brother,  and  to  exoner- 
ate liimself  from  that  charge  of  inconsistency  which  John 
had  urged  against  him  for  having  translated  the  works 
of  Origen  that  he  now  condemned  ^ 

No  man,  perhaps,  in  that  age,  possessed  means  more 
efficient  for  diffusing  his  prejudices,  than  Jerome.  From 
his  narrow  and  uncouth  cell  at  Bethlehem,  he  could 
easily  excite  disaffection  or  distrust,  in  the  remotest 
parts  of  Christendom.  He  maintained  an  extensive  cor- 
respondence ;  the  fame  of  his  knowledge  procured  him 
a  welcome  introduction  wherever  he  sought  assistance  ; 
and  his  penetrating  discernment  readily  distinguished 
those  who  would  prove  most  useful  as  coadjutors.  The 
celebrated  Augustine,  now  bishop  of  Hippo  in  Africa, 
a  hundred  and  fifty  miles  west  of  Carthage,  was  too 
eminent  for  him  to  overlook ;  and  he  had  already  ad- 
dressed him  a  letter  with  the  information  that  Origen's 
works  abounded  with  errors'.  But  that  honest  and 
independent  man  could  never  be  engaged  in  his  violent 
measures,  though  he  was,  in  reality,  much  farther  from 
Origen's  sentiments  than  Jerome  himself. 

VIII.  Meanwhile,  Rufinus  had  bidden  a  final  adieu 
to  his  friends  in  Palestine,  and  had  sailed,  in  company 
with  his  patroness,  for  liis  native  Italy.  But  before  his 
departure  a  seeming  reconciliation  had  been  effected 
between  him  and  Jerome  ;  and  in  their  last  interview 

s  Hieron.  Epist.  xxxix.  ad  Theopbilum.  t  Huet.   Origenian. 

Lib.  ii.  cap.  4.  Sect.  i.  §  J4. 

19^ 


222  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap 

they  had  pledged  themselves  to  refrain  from  their  mu- 
tual hostilities  ". 

When  he  arrived  with  Melania  at  Rome,  intent  on 
difRising  his  sentiments  and  partialities,  and  urged  by 
Macarius,  a  civil  officer  of  the  city,  he  translated  into 
Latin  the  first  book  of  Pamphilus's  and  Eusebius's 
Apology  for  Origen,  together  with  Origen's  famous 
books  Of  Principles,  and  soon  published  them  for  the 
benefit  of  the  western  christians.  To  these  works  he 
affixed  Prefaces  and  a  Tract  of  his  own  ;  by  which  he 
apprized  the  public  that  in  the  books  Of  Principles  he 
had  omitted  or  amended  the  many  erroneous  represent- 
ations concerning  the  trinity,  which  he  supposed  had 
been  inserted  or  corrupted  by  the  heretics-  The  other 
notions,  he  intimates,  were  preserved  unaltered  v.  Un- 
happily, however,  he  could  not  altogether  suppress  a 
secret  personal  resentment,  but  embraced  this  oppor- 
tunity to  allude  to  a  certain  accomplished  brother,  who 
had  ranked  Origen  next  to  the  Apostles,  and  whose 
commendations  of  him  had  excited  a  general  desire  to 
obtain  his  w^orks  :  who  had  already  pubhshed  in  Latift 
above  seventy  of  his  Homilies,  and  who  had  promised 
to  translate  still  more.  This  brother,  was,  of  course, 
Jerome ;  and  the  allusion  w^as  manifestly  intended 
to  remind  the  few  of  his  inconstancy,  and  to  im- 
ply to  the  rest  that  he  still  continued,  as  he  once 
had  been,  a  follower  of  Origen.  Nor  did  Rufinus  stop 
here  ;  his  smothered  enmity  broke  out  in  a  remark  that 


"  Hieron.  Epist.  xlii.  vel  GG.  ad  Rufinum,   p.  348.  v  Rufioi 

Prspfat.  in  Lib.  Peri  Archon,  inter  Origenis  0pp.  Tom,  i.   Edit,  De- 
larue. 


vii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  22o 

there  were  authors  who,  having  stolen  all  their  w^orks 
out  of  Origen,  afterwards  reproached  their  master,  in 
order  to  conceal  their  o\\ti  plagiarisms  by  deterring  the 
world  from  reading  the  original  '^.  These  sly  insinua- 
tions, though  veiled  under  the  language  of  respect  and 
esteem,  could  not  escape  the  notice,  nor  elude  the 
understanding,  of  Jerome's  western  friends  ;  and  it  was 
easily  foreseen  that  the  reconciliation,  so  lately  confirm- 
ed in  Palestine .  must  soon  share  the  common  fate  of 
attempts  at  renewing  old  friendships  once  violated  with 
insult. 

The    books    Of  Principles^    though   they  contained, 
besides  Universalism,  the  doctrine  of  pre-existence  and 

other  novel  opinions,  were  readily  received 

A.  D.  397,     by  many  at  Rome,  and  attached  a  number 

—  398.      of  priests,  monks  and  common  christians  to 

Origen^.  Others,  how^ever,  rose  in  oppo- 
sition ;  and  a  lady  of  influence,  by  the  name  of  Mar- 
cella,  with  whom  Jerome  maintained  a  correspondence, 
appears  to  have  taken  the  lead  in  fixing  the  stigma  of 
heresy  on  the  gathering  party  of  Origenists.  Assisted 
by  Vincentius,  who  had  returned  from  Bethlehem,  and 
seconded  by  the  numerous  and  powerful  friends  of 
Jerome,  she  soon  succeeded  in  rousing  and  directing 
the  pubhc  indignation  5".  It  seems  probable,  how^ever, 
that  even  Jerome's  own  friends  did  not  consider  the 
books  Of  Principles  very  heretical  as  they  stood  in  the 
translation  ^ ;  and  the  more  moderate   and  impartial  dis- 

w  Ditto.  And  Rufirii  Lib.  De  Adulterat.  Origenis  Librorum. 

X  Hieron.  Epist.  xcvi.  vel.  16  ad  Principium.  p.  782.  y  Ditto, 

z  Jerome's   friends,  Pammachius  and  Oceanus  (Epist.  xl.  vel  €4 


224  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap, 

covered  notliing  alarming  in  the  late  publications,  if  we 
may  judge  from  the  conduct  of  Pope  Siricius  :  It  was 
one  of  the  last  acts  of  his  life,  to  grant  letters  of  recom- 
mendation to  Rufinus,  who  was  preparing  to  proceed, 
after  an  absence  of  twenty-five  years,  to  his  native  city 
of  Aquileia*. 

IX.  Jerome  at  length  received,  with  sur- 
A.  D.  398,  prise,  an  account  sent  from  Italy,  of  the 
—  399.  artful  procedure  of  Rufinus ;  but  with  a 
moderation  unusual  for  him,  he  wrote  to 
his  false  friend  in  terms  of  manly  and  candid  expostula- 
tion, entreating  him,  as  a  brother,  to  offer  no  more  abuse, 
and  to  regard  their  parting  conciliation  ^.  As  he  was, 
however,  accused  of  inconsistency  in  his  treatment  of 
Origen,  not  by  Rufinus  alone,  but  by  many  others  at 
Rome,  at  Alexandria,  and  indeed  throughout  Christen- 
dom, he  composed  a  formal  explanation  of  the  praises 
he  had  formerly  bestowed  upon  that  father,  and  sent  it 
to  his  Roman  friends.  I  have,  indeed,  commended  him, 
said  he,  as  an  able  interpreter,  but  not  as  a  correct  dog- 
matist ;  I  have  admired  his  genius,  without  approving 
his  doctrine.  Have  I  ever  adopted  his  detestable  re- 
presentations concerning  the  Trinity,  or  concerning  the 
Resurrection  ?  Have  I  not,  on  the  contrary,  carefully 
omitted  them  in  my  translations  ?  If  people  would  know 
my  sentiments,  let  them  read  my  Commentaries  on  Ephe- 

inter  Hieronymi  (Opp.  Tom.  iv.)  say  they  have  found  in  Rufinus's 
translation  of  the  books  Of  Principles,  many  things  not  so  very 
orthodox ;  still  they  suspect  that  Rufinus  liad  omitted  w^hatever 
v^ould  more  plainly  expose  Origen's  impiety ;  and  therefore  they 
request  Jerome  to  send  them  a  correct  translation. 

a  Huet.  Origenian,  Lib.ii.  Cap.  4,  Sect,  i,  $  16.  b  Hieron, 

Epist,  xlii. 


lii  j  OF  UNIVERSALIS^.  225 

sians,  and  on  Ecdesiastes^  where  I  have  uniformly 
contradicted  his  opinions.  I  certainly  never  followed 
his  notions ;  or  if  I  have,  yet  now  I  repent.  And  let 
others  imitate  this  my  example  ;  "  let  us  all  be  con- 
"  verted  to  God.  Let  us  not  wait  the  repentance  of 
"  the  devil ;  for  vain  is  the  presumption  that  extends 
"  into  the  abyss  of  hell.  It  is  in  this  world  that  life  must 
"be  sought,  or  lost<^."  In  the  conclusion,  he  exposed 
the  absurdity  of  Rufinus's  pretence  that  Origen's  works 
had  been  interpolated;  and  with  a  daring  assurance, 
denied  that  the  Apology  for  Origen  was  written  by 
Pamphilus.  At  the  same  time,  he  also  sent  to  Rome, 
at  the  request  of  his  friends,  an  accurate  version  of  the 
books  Of  Principles,  in  order,  as  he  said,  to  expose  the 
mistranslations  of  his  rival  ^. 

By  the  passage  just  quoted  from  his  Defence,  we  dis- 
cover that  he  was  now  disposed  to  deny  a  Restoration 
from  hell,  which  he  had  formerly  asserted.  But  still, 
it  appears,  he  did  not  account  that  notion  one  of  the 
heinous,  alarming  errors  in  question,  as  is  manifest  from 
his  referring  to  his  Commentaries  on  Ephesians  in  proof 
that  he  had  uniformly  contradicted  them;  for  those 
Commentaries,  though  they  opposed  some  other  tenets 
ascribed  to  Origen,  abounded,  as  we  have  seen,  with 
the  fullest  declarations  of  Universalism.  What  he  now 
treated  as  the  great,  detestable  errors  of  his  master,  may 
be  learned  from  the  following  passage  in  the  same  De- 
fence :  "I  acknowledge  that  Origen  erred  in  certain 
"  things :    that  his  opinion  was  wrong  concerning  the 

c  Hieron.  Epist.  xli.  vel  65.  ad  Pammach.  etOceanum,  p,  345. 
d  Ditto,  p.  348. 


226  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

"  Son,  and  worse  concerning  the  Holy  Ghost ;  that  he 
"  impiously  supposed  that  our  souls  fell  from  heaven ; 
"  that  he  acknowledged  the  Resurrection  only  in  words, 
"  denying  it  in  reality  ;  and  that  he  held  that  in  future 
"  ages,  after  one  universal  restitution,  Gabriel  would  at 
"  length  become  what  the  devil  now  is,  Paul  what  Caia- 
"  2)has,  and  Virgins  what  Prostitutes  are^.  When  you  have 
"  rejected  these  errors,  you  may  read  him  with  safety  ^ ," 
X.  Jerome  and  Epiphanius  now  began  to  discover  in 
the  disposition  of  the  Alexandrian  bishop,  a  favorable 
change  which  they  had  long  sought  to  procure.  Flat- 
tery and  exhortation  had  been  spent  upon  him  in  vain  : 
he  had  still  inclined  to  the  side  of  Jolin.  But  what  no 
persuasion  could  effect,  self-interest  and  revenge  speed- 
ily accomplished.  Theophilus  had  been,  for  some  time, 
involved  in  a  contention  with  his  Egyptian  monks,  the 
smaller,  more  ignorant,  and  therefore  the  more  turbu- 
lent part  of  whom,  hated  the  name  of  Origen,  because 
his  doctrine  w^as  so  directly  opposed  to  their  own  gross 
and  monstrous  notion  tliat  Deity  possessed  a  body  like 
man's. "^      These   Anthropomorphites,   so  called,  were 

^  ^' — et  post  mtilta  saecula  atque  unam  omnium  reslitiitionem,  id- 
"ipsum  fore  Gabriclem  quod  Diabolum,  Paulum  quod  Caiapham, 
"virgines  quod  prostibulas."  In  his  Epist.  xxxaI.  ad  Vigilantium, 
written  about  this  time,  Jerome  acknowledges  tliat  Origen  "  erred 
'^  concerning  the  state  of  the  soul,  [i.  e,  Pre-existcnce,]  and  the  re- 
"  pentance  of  the  Devil ;  and  what  is  of  more  importance  than  these, 
''that  the  Son  of  God  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  he  pronounced,  in  his 
''Commentaries  on  Isaiah,  to  be  Seraphim."  p.  27G.  Afterwards, 
Jerome  reproaches  Vigilantius  for  having  misinterpreted  the  vision 
of  the  mountain,  in  Daniel  ii,  and  insultingly  tells  iiim  to  repent  "if, 
"  indeed,  this  impiety  can  be  forgiven  you  ;  and  then  you  may  ob- 
'^  tain  pardon  when,  according  to  the  error  of  Origen,  the  Devil  shall 
"obtain  it;  who  was  never  guilty  of  worse  blasphemy  than  yours." 
p.  278.  f  Hieron,  Epist.  xli.  p.  345. 

*  Socratis  Hist,  Eccl.  Lib.  vi.  cap.  7. 


OF  UNIVERSALISxM 


227 


roused  to  open  insurrection  by  one  of  their  bishop's  late 
Addresses,  in  which  he  had  freely  reproached  tlieir  er- 
ror ;  and  assembling  from  various  parts  of  Egypt,  they 
crowded  to  Alexandria  with  the  intention  of  murdering 
him.  To  save  his  life,  Theophilus  deceived  the  fierce 
assailants  into  a  persuasion  that  he  himself  was  convert- 
ed to  their  belief;  and  promising,  at  their  instance,  to 
condemn  the  works  of  their  great  adversary,  Origen,  he 
dismissed  them  in  peace.  Meanwhile,  the  aged  Isido- 
rus,  whom  he  had  always  honored,  and  whom  he  had 
lately  attempted  to  place  in  the  vacant  bishopric  of  Con- 
stantinople, had  incurred  his  dangerous  displeasure,  by 
refusing  to  countenance  his  unjust  and  rapacious  schemes. 
Some  of  the  Origenist  monks  of  Nitria,  also,  where  Isido- 
rus  sought  and  obtained  refuge,  fell  under  his  resentment. 
Theophilus  went  and  invaded  their  quiet  retreat,  seized 
and  tortured  those  who  refused  to  deliver  up  his  victim, 
burnt  their  monasteries ;  and  bethinking  hmiself  of  an 
easier  way  to  satiate  his  baffled  vengeance,  denounced 
them  to  the  fierce  Anthropomorphites  as  Origenists. 
Sacrificing  every  thing  to  his  wrath,  he  now  determined 
to  fulfil  his  late  extorted  promise  ;  and  siding  with  the 
more  dilatory  Jerome  and  Epiphanius,  he  proceeded  to 
the  hazardous  measure  of  engaging  the  church  in  his 

quarrel.  Accordingly,  he  called  a  Synod 
A.  D.  399.     of  the  neighboring  bishops  at  Alexandria, 

and  procured  a  decree,  remarkable  for 
being  the  first  of  its  kind,  condemning  Origen,  and  an- 
athematizing all  who  should  approve  his  works.  He 
dared  not  arraign  the  whole  multitude  of  offenders  ;  but 
three  of  them,  called  the  tall  brethren,  were  condemned 


228  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

by  name,  under  the  pretence  of  their  holding  false  doc- 
trines, though  neitiier  they  nor  any  of  their  party  were 
present.  Theophilus  then  contrived  to  obtain,  from  the 
Governor  of  Egypt,  authority  to  drive  the  excommuni- 
cated out  of  the  province ;  and  taking  a  band  of  sol- 
diers, marched  again  for  the  famous  retreat  of  the 
Origenists  ^. 

The  cells  and  monasteries  of  Nitria  clustered  along 
two  parallel  but  distant  chains  of  naked  hills,  and  were 
thinly  scattered,  perhaps,  in  the  deep  and  arid  waste 
tliat  lay  between.  From  the  summits  of  the  northeast- 
ern ridge,  the  spectator  surveyed,  w^ith  secret  horror, 
an  inanimate  world  of  eternal  barrenness  and  solitude, 
glowing  beneath  the  scorching  firmament.  In  whatever 
direction  he  turned,  the  great  Desert  of  Lybia  stretched 
away,  over  uneven  plains  and  precipices,  to  the  verge  of ' 
tlie  horizon.  To  the  southwest,  at  the  distance  of  ten 
or  a  dozen  miles,  stood  the  opposite  ridge  ;  nearer,  lay 
before  him  the  wide  valley  of  sand,  furrowed  through 
with  deep  gorges,  and  extending  far  off  to  the  north- 
west and  southeast ;  and  below  him,  at  the  foot  of  the 
precipices  on  which  he  stood,  his  eyes  rested  on  the 
small  crusted  lakes  of  natron,  surrounded  by  slu'ubs  and 
reeds,  the  only  contrast  to  the  universal  desoladon  ^ . 
All  was  motionless  silence ;  except  when  the  beasts  and 
birds  of  the  desert  came  to  allay  their  burning  thirst,  or 
the  monks  swarmed  forth  from  their  cells  at  the  appoint- 
ed hours  of  social  devotion. 

s  In  the  account  of  Thcopliilus,  I  follow  Huet  (Origenlan.  Lib.  ii, 
cap.  4.  Sect,  ii.  vS  1,  2,  3.)  and  Floury  (Eccl.  Hist.  Book  xxi.  chap.  10, 
12.  h  Sonnini's  Travels  in  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  chap; 

27,  28,  29, 


vii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  229 

Into  this  abode  of  mortification  and  religious  musing, 
Theophilus  entered  with  his  troop,  in  the  dead  of  night, 
and  drove  away  the  bishop  of  the  mountain  ;  but  unable 
to  discover  his  destined  victims,  who  had  been  secreted, 
he  burnt  their  cells,  pihaged  the  monasteries,  and  then 
set  out  on  his  retreat.  When  returned  to  Alexandria, 
he  encountered  a  general  indignation  and  horror,  which 
the  news  of  his  cruelty  and  sacrilege  soon  roused.  The 
Origenists,  however,  took  warning,  and  fled  to  other 
countries.  Isidorus  and  about  three  hundred  of  his 
brethren  sought  the  protection  of  John  in  Palestine,  and 
retired,  the  larger  part  of  them,  to  the  palm-groves 
around  Scythopolis,  nearly  seventy  miles  northward 
from  Jerusalem.  But  Theophilus,  with  the  extermina- 
ting zeal  of  a  true  foe,  wrote  immediately  to  the  bishops 
of  that  province,  forgiving,  on  the  ground  of  ignorance, 
their  first  reception  of  the  condemned,  but  requiring 
them,  for  the  future,  to  exclude  the  refugees,  from  every 
church.  It  is  mortifying  to  relate  that  John  of  Jerusa- 
lem was  overcome  by  this  sudden  change  in  the  power- 
ful patron  to  whom  he  had  referred  his  cause  ;  and  that 
he  appears  to  have  wanted  the  resolution  to  defend  his 
guests,  and  the  courage  to  treat  the  Egyptian  Primate's 
orders  with  much  neglect ^ 

Great  were  the  mutual  congratulations  of  Theophilus, 
Epiphanius  and  Jerome,  on  these  decisive  measures. 
They  informed  each  other,  in  their  bombastic  letters, 
tliat  the  snake  of  Origenism  was  now  severed  and  dis- 
embowelled by  the  evangelical  sword,  that  the  host  of 

i  Huetii  Origenian.  Lib.  ii.  cap.  4,  Sect.  ii.  §  3.  Fleury's  Eccl.  Hist 
Book  xxi.  chap.  12. 
20 


230  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

Amalek  was  destroyed,  and  the  banner  of  the  cross 
erected  on  the  altars  of  the  Alexandrian  church.  Theo- 
philus  sent  letters  to  Rome,  to  Cyprus,  and  to  Constan- 
tinople, proclaiming  his  late  measures,  and  exhorting  the 
respective  bishops  to  follow  his  example.  Accordingly, 
Anastasius,  the  new  Pope,  who  had  succeeded  Siricius 

at   Rome,   readily  gratified  the    numerous 
A.  D.  400.     partisans  of  Jerome  in  that  city,  by  issuing 

a  decree  which  was  received  through  all  the 
West,  condemning  the  works  of  Origen ;  and  Epipha- 
nius  soon  afterwards  convened  a  synod  of  his  bishops  in 
Cyprus,  and  procured  from  them  a  hke  sentence.  But 
Chrysostom,  who  now  held  the  episcopal  chair  of  Con- 
stantinople, delayed  all  notice  of  the  Egyptian  Prelate's . 
recommendation  J ,  and  thereby  involved  himself  in  a 
scene  of  troubles  that  closed  only  with  his  life. 

XI.  We  have  passed,  with  barely  a  hasty  notice,  over 
the  decree  of  the  Roman  Pontiff,  and  the  two  synods  of 
Alexandria  and  Cyprus,  agamst  Origen  and  his  works. 
Tlicy  constitute,  however,  an  important  event  in  the  his- 
tory of  Universahsm,  being  the  first  public  acts  of  the 
church  which  at  all  affected  that  sentiment ;  and  it  is 
worth  the  while  to  pause  and  ascertain  the  particular 
points  of  doctrine  which  were  then  condemned.  All 
the  formal  records  of  those  proceedings  have  long  since 
perished ;  but  from  cotemporary  authority  we  learn  that 
the  tenet  which  gave  most  offence  in  the  Alexandrian 
synod,  was  this:  "that  as  Christ  was  crucified  in  our 
"  world  for  the  redemption  of   mankind,  so  he  would 

J  Huot.  Orlgenian.  Lib,  ii.  cap.  4.  Sect.  ii.  §5.  et  Sect,  i,  $19. 


vii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  231 

"  taste  death,  in  the  eternal  state,  for  the  salvation  of  the 
"  Devil""."  This  two-fold  death  of  Christ,  though  some- 
times intimated  by  Origen,  was  by  no  means  one  of  his 
fixed  opinions ;  and  it  can  have  been  only  from  an  un- 
generous zeal  to  take  the  utmost  advantage  of  his  sug- 
gestions, that  it  was  inserted  in  the  present  charge.  It 
also  appears,  that  in  addition  to  this  particular,  his  doc- 
trine of  'the  salvation  of  the  devil  and  his  angels',  was 
expressly  condemned  in  some  of  these  public  decrees, 
either  at  Alexandria,  Cyprus  or  Rome ;  and  likewise 
another  notion,  which  cannot,  with  so  much  justice,  be 
ascribed  to  him,  'that  in  the  distant  ages  of  eternity,  the 
blessed  in  heaven  will,  by  degrees,  relapse  into  sin,  and 
descend  into  the  regions  of  woe,  while,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  damned  will  rise  to  the  mansions  of  purity  and 
joy  :  thus  constituting,  by  perpetual  revolutions,  a  cease- 
less alternation  of  happiness  and  misery'.'  These,  we 
are  informed,  were  the  principal  errors  now  condemned ; 
and  they  were  probably  alleged  to  justify  the  sentence 
which  was  passed,  forbidding  his  works  to  be  read,  and 
placing  him  on  the  list  of  heretics.  But,  what  is  re- 
markable, it  is,  at  the  same  time,  certain  that  his  doc- 
trine of  the  salvation  of  all  mankind,  was  not  con- 
demned, and  that  some  of  the  orthodox  continued 
to  avow  it  in  the  church  with  impunity"^. 

k  Sulpitii  Severi  Dialog,  i.  cap. 3.  I  quote  from  G.  Bulli  Defens.  Fid. 
Nicsenoe  cap.  ix.  ^  23.  1  Augustinus  De  Civ.  Dei,  Lib,  xxi.  cap. 

17.  ni  Augustine    (De    Civitate  Dei   Lib.  xxi.  cap.  17.),   about 

twenty  years  afterwards,  reasons  with  those  merciful  brethren  among 
the  orthodox,  who  held  the  salvation  of  all  mankind.  He  says  they 
urged  the  superior  benevolence  of  iheir  doctrine  as  a  proof  of  its  truth  ; 
and  he  exposes  their  inconsistency  in  using  this  argument,  by  daring 
them  to  extend  it,  like  Origen,  to  the  salvation  of  the  devil  and  his 
angels.  For  this,  adds  he,  the  church  has  condemned  him  ;  and  they, 
of  course,  dare  not  go  to  the  same  extremity. 


232  'I'HE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

The  prohibition  of  his  writings,  and  the  angry  indig- 
nity with  which  his  name  was  treated,  were  regarded  by 
the  more  dispassionate  throughout  all  Christendom,  as 
unnecessarily  severe  ;  but  as  the  authoritative  acts  had 
been  regularly  passed,  the  orthodox  generally  acquies- 
ced, though  with  reluctance,  reserve,  and  some  ex- 
ceptions''. 

XII.  When  the  persecuted  Origenists 
A.  D.  400,  who  had  fled  to  Palestine  from  the  rage  of 
to  403.  Theophilus,  learned  that  he  had  sent  a  de- 
putation against  them  to  Constantinople,  they  likewise 
proceeded  thither  to  defend  themselves,  and  to  seek  an 
asylum  under  the  strong  protection  of  the  bishop  of  that 
city,  the  celebrated  Chrysostom.  Fifty  aged  men, 
among  whom  were  Isidorus  and  the  three  tall  brethren, 
came  and  presented  themselves  before  him;  and  such 
was  the  wretchedness  of  their  appearance  that  Chrysos- 
tom, it  is  said,  melted  into  tears  at  the  sight.  He  gave 
them  the  desired  protection  till  their  cause  should  be 
heard ;  and  wrote  immediatel}^  to  Theophilus  in  their 
behalf.  But  his  interference  was  haughtily  resented, 
and  drew  upon  him  a  long  and  fierce  persecution,  the 
particulars  of  which  have  no  direct  relation  to  the  sub- 
ject of  this  history.  We  may  only  mention  that  the 
Origenists,  having  formally  disavowed  all  heretical  doc- 
trines, continued  to  enjoy  his  countenance,  as  well  as  that 
of  the  empress  Eudoxia  ;  and  were  thus  emboldened  to 
accuse  their  bishop  before  the  tribunal  of  the  emperor 
Arcadius.     Upon  this,   Epiphanius  hastened  from   Cy- 

nHuet.Origenian.  Lib.  ii.  cap.  4.  Sect.  ii.  ^4.  12.  Chrysostom,  Au- 
gustine. Siilpitius  Severus,  Vincentius  Lirinens's,  &o.  were  favorably 
disposed  towards  the  memory,  though  not  the  doctrine,  of  Origen, 


vii.]  OF  UNI  VERS  ALISM.  233 

prus  to  Constantinople  ;  and  awhile  afterwards,  the  un- 
daunted Theophilus  arrived,  in  obedience  to  the  imperial 
summons,  attended,  however,  by  a  host  of  bishops,  from 
Egypt.  Their  vengeance  was  directed  not  so  much 
against  the  Origenists  as  against  Chrysostom.  That 
ready  engine  of  mischief,  a  Synod,  was  formed ;  but 
when  the  members  were  gathered,  they  immediately 
separated  in  two  bodies,  and  met  in  different  places : 
tliose  who  hated  the  bishop  of  Constantinople,  in  the 
suburbs ;  and  those  who  favored  him,  in  the  city.  Among 
his  friends,  Palladius  of  Galatia,  now  bishop  of  Helen- 
opohs  in  Bithynia,  seems  to  have  taken  a  distinguished 
part ;  and  could  a  majority  have  availed  against  intrigue 
and  power,  Chrysostom  had  triumphed.  But  he  sunk, 
at  length,  with  all  his  influence,  under  the  combined 
assaults  of  the  Alexandrian  party,  the  rage  of  the  insult- 
ed empress  Eudoxia,  and  the  obsequious  edicts  of  the 
timid  Arcadius  :  and  in  the  year  403,  he  was  wickedly 
deposed  and  banished,  together  with  some  of  his  ad- 
herents. But  in  the  mean  time,  the  relenting  Epipha- 
nius  had  died  on  his  voyage  back  to  Cyprus ;  and  Isi- 
dorus  and  the  three  tall  brethren  had  closed  their 
lives,  in  the  city,  amidst  the  cruel  storm  which  their 
great  and  injured  patron  had  brought  upon  himself. 
The  objects  of  his  hatred  being  thus  removed,  Theophi- 
lus was  easily  reconciled  to  the  rest  of  the  Origenists, 
and  finally  received  them  into  his  favor  °, 


o  Huetii  Origenian.  Lib.  ii.  cap  4.  Sect.  ii.  §  11,  12,  13.      And 
Fleury's  Eccl.  Hist.  Book  xxi.  chap.  23—3-^. 

20* 


234  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

Xin.  The  Alexandrian  bishop  had  not 
A.  D.  401,  suffered  his  exeitions,  all  this  time,  to  be 
to  404.  confined  to  the  city  of  Constantinople. 
While  his  party  was  managing  his  contest 
there,  he  himself  was  often  engaged  at  home,  rousing 
the  indignation  of  the  Egyptian  christians  against  Ori- 
gen's  name  and  doctrine.  It  was  his  practice  to  pub- 
lish, annually,  a  General  or  Paschal  Epistle  to  liis 
churches;  and  in  that  of  the  year,  401,  his  newly 
adopted  zeal  gave  itself  full  utterance.  He  inveighed, 
with  much  bitterness,  against  Origen's  heresies,  which 
he  comprised  in  the  following  particulars  :  that  the 
kingdom  of  Christ  would  finally  end,  while  the  devil 
should  return  to  his  pristine  glory,  and  become  subject 
to  the  Father  ;  that  the  blessed  in  heaven  may  fall 
away ;  that  Christ  is  to  be  crucified  in  the  invisible 
world,  for  the  demons  and  wicked  angels  ;  that  the 
bodies  of  the  saints,  after  the  resurrection,  will  at  length 
decay  and  become  extinct ;  that  the  Son  is  not  to  be 
addressed  in  prayer  ;  that  neither  magic  nor  idolatry 
are  sinful;  and  that  marriage  is  dishonorable,  as  the  re- 
sult of  oujL'  own  guilty  connexion  with  the  body  p. 

In  the  nfext  year's  Epistle,  Theophilus  resumed  the 
unfinished  topic,  and  entered  again  upon  his  conflict 
with  the  "  Hydra  of  Origenism."  The  errors  he  now  se- 
lected as  the  points  of  his  attack,  were,  that  human  souls 
pre-existed,  but  for  their  transgressions  were  doomed  to 
this  world,  which  was  formed  for  their  reception  ;  that 
the  Sun,  Moon  and  Stars  are  animated  ;  that  our  fleshly 

p  Theophili  Paschal.  Lib.  ii.  (properly  i.)  inter  Hieronynii  0pp. 
Tom.  iv.  Part  ii.  For  the  date  and  order  of  these  books,  see  Du  Pin, 
Cave,  Fleury,  &c. 


vii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  235 

bodies  are  not  to  rise  ;  that  the  dignitaries  of  the  angelic 
world  were  not  created  such,  but  rose  from  the  original 
equality  of  souls  to  their  present  elevations,  by  means  of 
their  own  self-improvement ;  that  the  Holy  Ghost  does 
not  operate  on  irrational  animals  ;  that  the  immediate 
providence  of  God  extends  only  to  things  in  heaven  ;  that 
Christ  is  not  the  supreme  God  ;  that  all  souls  came  from 
one  common  and  uniform  mass  of  mind  ;  that  the  soul 
which  Christ  assumed  was  one  with  his  divine  nature,  just 
as  he  is  one  with  the  Father  ;  and  that  God  could  govern 
no  more  creatures  than  he  has  made,  so  that  his  power  is 
finite  '5.  We  have  another  of  his  annual  Epistles,  writ- 
ten in  the  year  404.  Here,  his  zeal  had  begun  to 
abate  ;  but  amidst  a  chaos  of  general  and  indefinite  ex- 
hortation, there  are  some  incidental  attacks  upon  Origen's 
notions  of  pre-existence,  and  of  the  condemnation  of 
souls  to  earthly  bodies  ^ 

These  three  Epistles  were  afterwards  translated  by 
Jerome,  for  the  use  of  the  Latin  christians  ;  and  with 
them  several  odiers,  which  have  since  perished. 

XIV.  While  thus  Theophilus  was  pur- 
A.  D.  400,     suing  his  quarrel  in  Constantinople,  and   at 

to  404,  the  same  time,  sounding  the  alarm  in 
Egypt,  against  the  newly  denominated  her- 
esy, the  storm  which  had  arisen  in  Italy  continued  with- 
out cessation.  Soon  after  the  passing  of  the  decree,  in 
A.  D.  400,  against  Origen's  works,  Pope  Anastasius 
cited  Rufinus  to  appear  before  him,  on  a  charge  of  he- 
resy.    But  the  latter,  instead  of  leaving  his  friends  at 

a  Theophili  Paschal.  Lib.  i.   (properly  ii.)  r  Theophili  Pas- 

chal. Lib.  iii. 


236  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

Aquileia,  sent  to  the  pontiff  a  formal  Apology^  or  State- 
ment of  his  faith  and  conduct ;  professing  his  hearty- 
assent  to  the  creeds  of  the  churches  at  Rome,  Alexan- 
dria, Jerusalem  and  Aquileia  ;  and  declaring  his  belief 
in  the  trinity,  in  the  resurrection  of  this  very  flesh,  in  a 
future  judgment,  and  in  the  endless  punishment  of  the 
devil,  of  all  his  angels,  and  of  wicked  men,  particularly, 
says  he,  ''  of  those  who  slander  their  brethren.  And 
"  whoever  denies  this,  let  eternal  fire  be  his  portion,  that 
"  he  may  feel  what  he  denies  ^"  The  same  doctrine 
he  also  asserted,  in  general  terms,  but  with  much  expli- 
citness,  in  his  Treatise  on  the  Apostles'^  Creed  * ;  and  we 
have  no  reason  to  doubt  his  sincerity.  The  Italian  bi- 
shops, it  seems,  were  generally  satisfied  " ;  but  Anasta- 
sius,  either  suspecting  dissimulation,  or  determined  at 
all  events  to  crush  the  obnoxious  translator,  passed  upon 
him  the  dread  sentence  of  excommunication.  This 
was  in  A.  D.  401.  The  Pope  afterwards  refused,  per- 
emptorily, to  restore  him  to  fellowship,  notwithstanding 
a  friendiy  remonstrance  that  he  received,  the  next  year, 
with  much  seeming  respect,  from  John  of  Jerusalem  ^. 

During  all  these  transactions,  Rufinus  was  solacing 
hnTiself  with  secret  revenge,  by  circulating,  in  private,  a 
work  which  he  had  composed  to  defend  his  own  con- 
duct, to  excuse  Origen,  but  especially  to  expose  Jerome. 
To  this  production,  the  partial  resentment  of  the  church 
has  since  affixed  the  hostile  name   of  Invective,  instead 


s  Rufini  ad  Anastasium  Apologia,  inter  Hieron.  0pp.  Tom.  v.  p. 
259.  t  Rufini  iSymboluni,  inter  .Hieron.  Opp.  Tom.  v.  pp.  127 
— 150  N.    B.  See  the  preceding  Chap.   Sect.  xx.  note   (y.) 

u  Hieron.  Apol.adv.  Rufin.  Lib.  iii,  p.  453.  v  Huetii  Origenian. 
Lib.  ii.  cap.  4,  Sect.  i.  §  20. 


vii.j  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  237 

of  the  original  and  more  peaceful  title  of  Apology, 
Paulinianus,  then  residing  in  Italy,  contrived  to  obtain 
sight  of  it,  and  having  secretly  transcribed  copious  ex- 
tracts, sent  them  to  his  brother  at  Bethlehem.  From 
tliese,  Jerome  had  the  vexation  to  discover  that  the 
Defence  he  addressed,  a  few  years  before,  to  his  friends 
at  Rome,  had  been  turned  back,  with  effect,  against 
himself.  He  saw^  that  Rufinus  had  succeeded  in  expos- 
ing much  inconsistency,  and  some  prevarication,  in  the 
explanations  there  given  concerning  his  former  and 
present  treatment  of  Origen.  But  what  was  more  per- 
plexing, a  fatal  advantage  had  been  taken  of  his  favor- 
ite Commentaries  on  Ejjhesians  and  Ecclesiastes.  From 
these  very  works,  to  which  Jerome  had  expressly 
referred  as  a  clear  delineation  of  his  views,  Rufinus  had 
now  selected  ample  quotations  that  taught,  in  the  fullest 
manner,  the  several  doctrines  of  the  resurrection  of 
aerial  instead  of  fleshly  bodies,  pre-exisence,  and  univer- 
sal restoration,  not  only  of  m.ankind,  but  also  of  the 
devil  and  his  angels.  Particular  expressions  had, 
moreover,  been  pointed  out,  which  seemed  to  intimate 
a  perpetual  rotation  of  happiness  and  misery,  the  event- 
ual return  of  all  intellectual  creatures  into  one  order 
or  grade  of  being,  and  the  animation  of  those  glorious 
bodies,  the  sun,  the  moon  and  stars.  "  It  is  well,"  said 
his  triumphant,  exulting  accuser,  "  for  such  as  you  to 
condemn  Origen '^^'." 


w  Ilieron.  Apolog.  adv.  Rufinum  Lib,  i.  &  ii.  Tom.  iv.  Jerome  had 
not  yet  seen  Rufinus's  Invective  entire,  but  only  the  extracts  which 
Paulinianus  had  sent  him.  What  these  were  we  can  learn  only  by 
Jerome's  answer. 


238  THE  ANCIENT  HlS'ToRY  [Chap. 

XV.  Disturbed,  but  not  dismayed,  by  this  unexpect- 
ed attack,  Jerome  sat  down   angrily  to  the  composition 
of  his  Apology  against  Rufinus  :  replying  haughtily,  and 
sometimes    disingenuously,  to    the    numerous   charges 
against  his  conduct,  recriminating  on  his   antagonist  for 
the  same   acts   which   he   excused   in  himself,  and  at- 
tempting by  the  most  groundless  insinuations  to  render 
him  suspected  of  evasion  in  his  late   Apology  to  Anas- 
tasius.     We  have  litde  concern,  however,  except  with 
what   relates   to   Universalism.     To    extricate .  himself 
from  the  awkward  predicament  in  which  he  was  placed 
by  the  unfortunate   reference  to   his    Commentaries  on 
Ephesians  and  Ecdesiastes,  he  resorted  to  the  desper- 
ate plea,  that  as  the  passages  containing  the   doctrines 
of  an   aerial  resurrection,  pre-existenc«,  and  universal 
restoration,   w^ere    abridged   by  him   from   Origen   and 
other  authors,  he  was  not  responsible  for  the  sentiments. 
The  truth  was,  he  had  incorporated  them  into  his  own 
work,  without  a  mark  of  censure,   and  without  giving 
the  original  writers  as  his  authority^. 

That  he  would  now  be  understood  to  deny  the  sal- 
vation of  the  devil  and  of  the  damned,  is  certain  ;  and 
he  even  complained  that  upon  this,  as  well  as  other 
points,  Rufinus  had  not  been  sufficiently  explicit  in  his 
Apology  to  the  Roman  pontiffs.  But  it  is  remarkable 
that  he  still  avoided  reckoning  it  among  the  important 
errors  of  Origen,  and  that  he  invariably  passed  over  it, 
when  he  referred  to  them;  as  in  the  following  catalogue: 
"  I  point  out  to  you,  in  Origen's  works,*'  said  he  to 
Rufinus,  "  many  evil  things,  and  particularly  these  here- 
"  sies:  that  the  Son  and  the  Holy  Spirit  are  subordinate; 

»  Ditto.  y  Ditto.  Lib.  ii.  p.  393. 


vii,]  OF  UNIVERSALISM;  239 

"  that  there  are  innumerable  worlds  succeeding  each 
"  other  to  all  eternity  ;  that  angels  '  were  changed  into 
*' human  souls  ;  that  Christ's  human  soul  existed  be- 
"  fore  it  was  born  of  Mary ;  and  that  it  was  this  which 
"  thought  it  no  robbery  to  be  equal  with  God,  seeing  it 
"  was  in  the  form  of  God,  yet  humbled  itself,  and  took 
"  the  form  of  a  servant ;  that  in  the  resurrection  our 
"  bodies  will  be  aerial,  without  members,  and  that  they 
"  w^U  eventually  vanish  into  nothing  ;  that  in  the  uni- 
"versal  restitution,  the  celestial  powers  and  the  infernal 
"  spirits,  together  with  the  souls  of  all  mankind,  will  be 
"  reduced  into  one  order  or  rank  of  beings  ;  and  that 
"  from  this  uniform  state  of  equality  they  will  again 
"  diverge,  as  formerly,  holding  various  courses,  until 
"  at  length  some,  falhng  into  sin,  shall  be  born  once 
"  more,  into  a  mortal  world,  with  human  bodies.  So 
"  that  we,  who  are  now  men,  may  fear  hereafter  to  be 
"  women  ;  and  they  who  are  now  virgins,  to  be,  then, 
"  prostitutes.  These  heresies  I  point  out  in  Origen's 
"  works  ;  do  you  now  show  me  in  what  work  of  his  you 
"  can  find  the  contrary  ^  ." 

This  jijyology,  abounding  in  ridicule  and  sarcasm, 
was  finished  in  two  books,  and  sent  to  Italy,  some  time 
in  the  year  403  ^ ,  while  Rufinus  was  still  flattering  him- 
self that  the  secret  of  his  performance  had  not  trans- 
pired.    Stung  into  madness  by  the  lampoons,  the  insults 


z  Ditto,  Lib.ii.  p,  403,See  also  Lib.  i.  pp.  355, 371.  and  Lib.  ii.  p. 407, 
And  Lib.  iii.  p.  441.  a  Huet,  Du  Pin,  &c.  say  in  A.  D.  402j 

but  as  Jerome  mentions  Anastasius's  Letter  to  John  of  Jerusalem 
(Lib.  ii.  p.  405,)  which  could  not  have  reached  Palestine  before  the 
close  of  the  year  402,  or  beginning  of  403, 1  have  given  Jerome's 
Apology  the  later  date. 


240  I'HE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

and  the  misrepresentations  of  his  opponent,  Rufinus 
immediately  sent  to  'Bethlehem  the  whole  of  his  Invec- 
tive, accompanied  with  a  letter  threatening  prosecution, 
and  perhaps  death.  Upon  this,  Jerome  added  to  his 
Apology  a  third  book,  written  in  a  style  which  showed 
tliat  he  w^ould  not  be  outdone  in  rage  nor  in  vulgar 
abuse.  Though  too  much  engrossed  by  other  matters 
to  pay  particular  attention  to  the  old  topic  of  Origen's 
errors,  he  nevertheless  repeated  his  attacks  on  the  no- 
tion that  all  rational  creatures  will  eventually  return  to 
one  common  grade  of  being,  and  that  they  may  after- 
wards relapse,  and  renew  their  present  diversity  b.  It 
is  remarkable  that  he  seemed  almost  to  concede,  not- 
withstanding his  perverse  temper,  that  he  had  once 
followed  Origen  too  far  ^  . 

XVI.  With  this  hot  altercation  and  with  the 
A.  D.  404.  simultaneous  triumph  of  Theophilus,  sub- 
sided, for  the  present,  the  public  contest  in 
the  church,  concerning  Origenism.  Its  professors  were 
every  where  obliged  to  conceal  their  belief;  and  their 
doctrine  was  generally  regarded  as  heretical,  at  least  as 
dangerous  to  the  peace  of  Christendom.  Some  of  its 
particulars,  however,  were  still  avowed  without  censure, 
when  no  partiality  towards  the  sect  w^as  suspected.  But 
Universalism,  having  been  condemned  in  one  of  its 
points,  received  a  check  from  which  it  never  entirely 
recovered  in  the  catholic  church. 

We  may  pronounce  it  probable  that  the  doctrine  of 
the  salvation  of  the  devil  and  his  angels,  would,  for  this 
time,  have  escaped  condemnation  and  perhaps  reproach, 

b  Apolog.    Lib.  iii.  p.  441.  c  Ditto,  pp    445,  447. 


vii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  241 

had  it  not  been  found  in  company  with  other  offensive 
tenets.  As  to  the  general  character  of  the  violent  pro- 
ceedings now  described,  it  is  too  manifest  tliat  they  de- 
serve the  brand  of  personal  quarrels,  rather  than  the 
honorable  appellation  of  a  contest  for  the  truth.  Of 
the  three  chief  agents,  Epiphanius,  an  honest  but  cre- 
dulous and  bigoted  man,  may  indeed  be  supposed  to 
have  acted,  in  a  great  measure,  from  principle,  as  he 
had  long  been  distinguished  for  zeal  against  Origenism. 
But  Theophilus  engaged  in  the  quarrel  through  policy 
and  grudge,  and  prosecuted  it  for  private  revenge  ;  and 
we  must  pass  nearly  the  same  judgment  on  the  motives 
of  Jerome.  Both  had  formerly  been  admirers  of  Ori- 
gen ;  and  both,  after  the  strife  was  past,  betrayed  again, 
though  with  caution,  their  partiality  for  his  works. 


21 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

[From  A.  D.  404,  to  A.  D.  500.] 

I.  After  two  or  three  centuries  of  decay^ 
A.  D.  405.  the  unwieldly  mass  of  the  Roman  Empire 
had  now  fallen  into  two  parts,  by  a  perma- 
nent separation  of  the  East  from  the  West.  Over  these 
divisions,  the  innocent  but  effeminate  sons  of  Theodosius 
the  Great,  enjoyed  the  name  of  sovereignty,  while  their 
feeble  hands,  unable  to  sway  the  sceptre,  resigned  to 
their  favorites  and  ministers  the  actual  exercise  of  au- 
thority. Arcadius,  the  eastern  emperor,  sat  on  his 
father's  throne  in  Constantinople ;  and  his  younger 
brother,  Honorius,  held  the  western  court  at  Ravenna 
in  Italy.  Rome,  the  eternal  city,  the  boasted  mistress 
of  the  world,  was  no  longer  honored  with  the  empty 
compliment  of  the  imperial  residence.  Patriotism, 
courage,  and  even  bodily  strength,  had,  to  a  great 
degree,  forsaken  a  people  dispirited  by  ages  of  despot- 
ism, corrupted  by  its  vices,  and  enervated  by  luxury 
and  sloth.  Throughout  the  East,  internal  disorders 
agitated  the  public  tranquilhty,  and  open  rebellion  alarm- 
ed the  feeble  administration.  But  in  the  West,  all 
hearts  were  trembling  at  the  portentous  movements  of 
the  fierce  barbarians  of  the  North,  who  hovered  in  fear- 


viii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  '  343 

ful  array  on  the  frontiers  of  Greece  and  Italy,  and  who 
threatened,  not  in  vain,  to  pour  their  forces  over  the 
beautiful  territories  into  the  ancient  seat  of  empire. 
Already  had  they  made  an  alarming  incursion,  from 
which  they  were  repelled  partly  by  force  of  arms,  and 
partly  by  gold  ;  and  they  waited  but  the  preparation  of 
four  or  five  years  for  their  more  successful  return,  when 
Rome  itself  was  to  be  taken  and  sacked  by  Alaric  at 
the  head  of  his  Goths. 

In  this  period  of  terror  and  disorder,  the  Church  sym- 
pathized, of  course,  in  the  perils  and  fears  of  the  State, 
with  which  she  was  so  intimately  connected  ;  but  her 
worldly  power  naturally  increased  in  proportion  as  the 
civil  establishment  grew  weaker,  and  less  able,  as  well 
as  less  willing,  to  control  her  aspiring  influence.  The 
public  dangers  never  made  her,  for  a  moment,  loose 
sight  of  the  favorite  object  of  ambition,  towards  which 
she  advanced  with  the  slow  but  fatal  steadiness  of  the 
laws  of  nature.  Nor  did  she  withdraw  her  attention 
from  her  more  domestic  concerns  :  among  other  em- 
ployments, her  clergy  now  found  a  grateful  exercise  for 
their  zeal  and  violence,  in  the  overthrow  of  the  last 
monuments  of  heathenism,  and  in  the  suppression  of  the 
rebellious  sects  among  themselves.  The  affair  of  the 
Origenists  had  been,  to  all  appearance,  successfully  des- 
patched ;  but  in  Africa,  a  very  numerous  and  trouble- 
some party  of  orthodox  believers,  the  Donatists,  stood 
out,  with  pecuhar  obstinacy,  against  all  the  invitations 
and  the  threatenings  of  the  church.  In  the  course  of 
three  years,  as  many  councils  had  assembled  at  Car- 
thage, under  the  influence  of  the  celebrated  Augustine, 


244  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

with  the  design  of  compelling  them  to  return  to  the  cath- 
olic commnnion  :  from  which  they  had  separated,  in  an 
electioneering  quarrel,  nearly  a  century  before.  But 
these  measures  though  seconded  by  the  severe  edicts 
of  Honorius,  had  Httle  success ;  the  schismatics,  for  the 
most  part,  remained  stubborn,  and  their  savage  partizans 
continued  to  carry  sword  and  fire  through  the  province. 
II.  The  political  commotions  and  eccle- 
A.  D.  405,  siastical  disturbances  of  the  time,  operated, 
to  412.  undoubtedly,  to  divert  the  pubhc  attention 
from  the  subject  of  Origenism,  and  to  af- 
ford repose  to  the  obnoxious  party.  The  clamour  of 
the  late  contest  seems  to  have  sunk,  at  once,  into  silence  ; 
and  as  the  impression  was  almost  universal  that  the  dif- 
culty  had  been,  in  a  great  measure,  personal,  that  it 
had  been  marked  with  unwarrantable  violence,  and  pur- 
sued too  far  ^,  its  victims  were  regarded  with  less  rigor 
than  was  usual  in  cases  of  adjudged  heresy.  Rufinus 
appears  to  have  enjoyed,  at  Aquileia,  the  patronage  of 
his  own  bishop^,  and  the  countenance,  perhaps,  of  other 
dignitaries  in  the  Itahan  churches  ""^  He  spent  die  re- 
mainder of  his  life,  unmolested,  in  composing  Commen- 
taries on  the  scriptures,  and  in  translating  Origen  and 
other  Greek  writers;  till  in  A.  D.  409,  he  fled,  at 
the  approach  of  the  northern  barbarians,  and  retired 
into  Sicily,  where  he  died  the  next  year.     Melania,  his 

a  The  banishment  of  Chrysostom  roused  tlie  grief  and  indignation 
of  a  numerous  party  in  the  East,  and  of  all  the  West.  Unremitted 
efforts  were  made  for  his  recall,  but  he  died  in  the  mean  time  ;  and 
though  it  had  been  resolved  to  arraign  Theophilus  before  a  General 
Council,  the  affair  was  dropped.  b  He  translated  Kusebius's 

Eccl.  History  at  the  request  of  Chromatius,  bishop  of  Aquileia. 

c  Hieron.  Apolog.  adv,  Rufin.  Lib.  iii.  p.  453, 


viii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  245 

noble  and  faithful  patroness,  accompanied  him,  with  a 
numerous  train,  to  Sicily.    Proceeding  thence  to  Africa, 
where  she  received  the  praises  of  Augustine,  she  pur- 
sued her  way  into  Palestine.    Her  death  soon  followed, 
at  Jerusalem,  the  scene  of  her  former  munificence  ;  and 
notwithstanding  her  connexion  with  the  Origenists,  she 
was  honored   with  the  tide  of  saint,  and  her  name  in- 
serted in  the  pubhc  martyrologies  ^.     John  of  Jerusalem 
was,  the  meanwhile,  strongly  suspected  of  retaining  a 
secret  partiality  for  the  proscribed  doctrines;    but  he 
conducted  so  warily,  as  to  enjoy  his  bishopric  in  quiet ; 
and  even  his  implacable    neighbor,  Jerome,  could  find 
no  pretence  for  renewing  the  quarrel^.     Evagrius  Pon- 
ticus,  having  been  overlooked  in  the  rage  of  Theophi- 
lus,  died,  probably  about  this  time,  in  some  undisturbed 
retreat  among  the  Egyptian  monasteries  ;   but  Palladius 
of  Galatia,  late  bishop  of  Helenopolis,  was  suffering  in 
banishment,  not  for  his  Origenism,  but  for  his  adherence 
to  the  exiled  Chrysostom.     He  Avas  afterwards  recalled, 
however,  and  appointed  over  the  church  of  Aspora,  in 
his  native  province  ^.     Theophilus  himself  now  provoked 
the  abhorrence  of  such  as  remembered  his  former  vio- 
lence and   solemn   prohibitions,  by  amusing  his  leisure 
with  the  perusal  of  Origen's  works ;    and  he   openly 
asserted,    as  his  justification,  that  among  some  thorns 
which   they  contained,  he  found  many  beautiful   and 

dJFleury's  Eccl.  Hist.  Book  xxii.  chap.  22.     And  Huetii  Origeni- 
n.'Lib.  ii.  cap.  4.  Sec.  1.  §  22.  e  Hieronymi  Fpist.   Ixxvii, 

vel  81.  ad  Augustin.  Tom.  iv.  Part  ii.  p.  642.  f  Du  Pin's 

Bibliotheca  Patrum,  Art.  Palladius.  And  Cave,  Hist.  Lit.  Art.  Pal- 
ladius. And  Fleury's  Eccl.  Hist.  Book  xxi.  chap.  59,  and  xxii. 
3, 10. 

21^ 


246  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chup. 

precious  flowers.  He  had,  however,  written  a  large 
volume  against  Origen,  which,  though  it  has  long  since 
perished,  survived  his  death  in  A.  D.  412.  It  is  re- 
markable, also,  that  Jerome  still  continued  to  quote 
Origen,  as  an  able  and  authoritative  expounder  of  scrip- 
ture %  while  he,  at  the  same  time,  maintained  his  hatred 
against  Rufinus  and  his  party,  and  never  spoke  of  them 
but  with  indecent  abuse  ''.  The  errors  of  Origen,  that 
23hrase  so  indefinite  though  so  often  repeated,  were  also 
the  subject  of  his  occasional  reprehension.  He  con- 
tinued to  dwell  on  nearly  the  same  particulars  as  for- 
merly ;  and  still  passed  over  the  tenet  of  Universalism, 
although  it  was  plainly  taught  in  some  of  those  extracts 
which  he  adduced  as  pernicious   on   other   accounts'. 


§■  Hieron3'mi  Epist,  Ixxiv.  vcl  81).  ad  Augustin.  pp.  G19,  G20. 

h  Hieron.  Epist.  xcvi.  vel  IG.  ad  Princip.  pp.  781,  782.  And 
Epist.  xc\ii.  vel  8.  ad  Demetriad.  pp.  793,  794.  i  Hieron. 

Epist.  xciv.  vel  59.  ad  Avitujn.  Jerome  v.'rotc  this  letter  about  a.  d. 
407,  to  accompany  his  translation  of  Origen "s  boohs  Of  Principles, 
which  he  gave  to  one  Avitus,  a  Spaniard.  It  wa.s  composed  for  the 
purpose  of  pointing  out  the  errors  which  those  books  contained  ;  and 
the  following  ho  selects  as  the  principal  :  1.  That  concerning  the 
trinity.  2.  The  original  equality  of  all  intellectual  creatures,  and 
tlieir  perpetual  revolution  from  bliss  to  misery,  and  from  misery  to 
bliss,  by  means  of  vice  and  virtue.  3.  That  all  bodies  whatever, 
with  wliich  rational  beings  are  clotlied,  will  at  lengtli  vanish  into 
nothing.  4.  That  innumerable  worlds  have  preceded,  and  that  in- 
numerable others  are  to  succeed  this  present.  5.  TJiat  the  flames 
and  tonnenls  of  Gehenn..,  or  hell,  which  the  scriptures  threaten  to 
sinners, -ne  nothing  butthe  remorse  of  ihcir  consciences,  in  the  future 
world.  G.  That  onr  present  conditions  and  circumsfames  arc  allot- 
ted us  on  account  of  our  ujcrits  or  dcmciits  in  a  former  state  of 
being.  And  7.  That  as  Christ  has  been  crucified  for  mankind  in 
this  world,  so  lie  will,  perliaps,  suffer  death  in  eternity,  for  tlie  salvar 
tion  of  the  devil  and  his  angels.  These  errors  of  Origon,  Jerome 
exposes  by  means  of  long  cpiotations  from  the  books  Of  Principles; 
and  several  of  these  extracts  incidentally  mention  the  Restitution  of 
all  creatures  to  purity  and  bliss ;  but  on  this  particular  our  author 
raakes  no  direct  remarks. 


viii.]  OF  UNI  VERS  ALISM.  247 

His  professed  belief,  however,  at  present,  was,  that  the 
devil  and  his  angels,  obstinate  infidels  and  open  blas- 
phemers, shall  suffer  endless  torments,  while  such  as 
have  embraced  Christianity,  yet  led  vicious  lives,  shall 
be  consigned  only  to  a  long,  but  temporary,  purgatory 
after  death-*.  This  doctrine  he  appears  to  have  avowed 
for  the  rest  of  his  life  ^,  acknowledging,  however,  at 
times,  that  those  sinners  who  have  been  severely  pun- 
ished in  this  world,  such  as  the  ante-diluvians,  the  Sod- 
omites and  Pharaoh's  host,  will  be  pardoned,  in  the 
next^  After  all,  there  is  some  reason  to  suspect  that 
Jerome  still  remained,  though  in  secret,  a  Universalist'". 


J  Hieron.  Comment,  in  Esaiam.  Lib.  xvi.  (cap  Ixvi.  v.  24.)  Written  A.  D. 
409.  Tom.  ill.  k  Hieron.  Contra  Pelagian.  Lib.  i.  cap.  9.  Written 

about  A.  D.  415.  1  Du  Pin's  Biblloth.  Pat.  Art,  Jerome. 

m  See  his  Comment,  in  Esaiam  Lib.  xvi.  (cap.  Ixvi.  v.  24.)  Commenting 
upon  these  words  of  the  prophet,  Theij  shall  go  forth  and  look  upon  the 
carcasses  of  the  men  that  have  transgressed  against  me ;  for  their  worm 
shall  not  die,  neither  shall  their  fire  be  quenched ;  and  they  shall  be  an  ab- 
horring unto  all  flesh,  Jerome  says,  •' this  fire  will  burn  as  long  as  that 
''  matter  remains  vv-hich  feeds  the  voracious  flame.  If,  therefore,  any  one's 
"  conscience  be  infested  with  tares,  which  the  enemy  sowed  while  the 
"  householder  was  asleep,  the  fire  will  burn  and  devour  ihem.  And  in  the 
"  eyes  of  all  the  saints  shall  be  manifested  the  torments  of  those  who,  in- 
"  stead  of  laying  gold,  silver,  precious  stones  upon  the  foundation  of  the 
"  Lord,  have  built  thereupon  hay,  wood,  stubble,  the  fuel  of  the  eternal 
"fire.  Moreover,  they  who  would  have  these  torments,  though  protracted 
"  through  many  ages,  come  at  length  to  an  end,  use  the  following  texts 5 
*'  when  the  fulness  of  the  Gentiles  shall  have  come  in,  then  all  Israel  shall 
"■  be  saved,  (Horn.  xi.  25,  26  )  Again  :  God  hath  concluded  all  under  sin, 
'•'  tJiat  he  may  have  mercy  upon  all.  In  another  passage  it  is  said,  /  will 
'■'sustain  the  wrath  of  the  Lord,  for  I  have  sinned  against  him,  until  he 
"justify  my  cause,  and  bring  forth  my  judgment,  and  lead  me  into  light. 
"  (Micah  vii,  9,)  And  again  :  /  will  bless  thee  O  Lord,  that  thou  wast 
*' angry  with  me.  Thou  didst  turn  thy  face  from  me ;  but  thou  hast  had 
'' compassion  upon  me,  (Isa.  xii.  1.)  The  Lord  also  saj's  to  the  sinner, 
'•  ichen  the  tcrath  oj' my  fury  sliall  have  passed,  I  ivill  heal  thee  again.  Ac- 
"  cordingly  it  is  said,  in  another  place,  how  great  is  the  muUitude  of  thy 
*^  favors,  O  Lord,  lohich  thoic  hast  laid  up  in  secret,  for  them  th'U  fear  thee! 
"  (Ps.  xxxi.  19.)  All  which  texts  they  repeat,  in  order  to  maintain  that  after 
''  punishments  and  torture,  there  will  be  a  refreshing,  which  must  now  be 
"  hidden  from  those  to  whom  fear  is  necessary,  that  while  they  fear  the  tor- 
"  ments  they  may  desist  from  sin.     We  ought  to  leave  it  to  the  wisdom  of 


248  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

III.  Nor  did  he  stand  altogether  alone  in  the  church. 
The  orthodox  of  this  age  may  be  divided  into  five 
classes,  with  respect  to  their  views  of  future  punishment 
and  the  final  extent  of  salvation  :  1 .  The  most  rigid 
among  them  beheved  that  none  would  hereafter  be 
saved,  except  those  who  died  in  the  true  faith,  and  in 
the  exercis^  of  godhness ;  and  most,  if  not  all  of  these 
held,  for  the  less  deserving  saints,  a  mild  purgatory,  by 
which  they  were  to  be  thoroughly  cleansed,  before  their 
admission  into  heaven.  Such  were  the  sentiments  of 
the  famous  Augustine  ",  the  oracle  of  the  western  church. 
2.  Another  class  held,  in  substance  whh  the  more  an- 
cient fathers  Lactantius,  Hilary,  Basil  and  Ambrose, 
that  all  would  finally  be  saved,  who  continued  to  the 
last  in  the  catholic  faith  and  discipline,  whatever  were 
their  moral  characters ;  but  that  such  of  them  as  lived 
wickedly  should  suffer  a  long  and  excruciating  trial  by 
fii'e  in  the  future  world,  before  their  reception  to  bliss. 
This,  probably,  was  the  common,  the  popular  behef ;  and 
Jerome  must  be  numbered  among  its  professed  advocates. 


"  God  alone,  whose  measure  not  only  of  mercy,  but  of  torment  is  just,  and 
"  who  knows  whom  to  judge,  and  hi  what  manner,  and  how  long-  to  punish. 
"  We  may  only  say,  as  becomes  human  frailty,  Lord,  contend  not  icith  me 
"inthtjfunj,noriii  tinj  u- rath  take  me  aivay.  (Ps.)  And  as  we  believe 
"  in  the  eternal  tonnents  of  the  devil  and  of  all  deniers  and  impious  men 
*'  who  have  said  in  their  heart  There  is  no  God  ;  so  we  may  suppose  that 
"  the  sentence  of  the  Judge  on  those  sinners  and  impious  persons  who 
"  nevertheless  are  christians,  and  whose  works  are  to  be  tried  and  purged 
"  in  the  fire,  will  be  moderated  and  mixed  with  mercy."  Considenag 
Jerome's  usual  positiveness,  and  especially  his  violence  in  the  late  con 
tention,  I  cp.nnot  satisfactorily  account  for  the  foregoing  language,  sa 
moderate  if  not  even  equivocal,  without  supposing  that  he  hnnself  se- 
cretly agreed  Avith  those  Restorationists  of  whom  he  speaks-. 

n  Augustin.  l)e  Civilate  Dei  Lib.  xx.  cap.  1.  and  xxi.  24,  and  26.     See 
also  Du  Pin's  Biblioth.  Patmm,  Art,  Augustine, 


vlii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  249 

3,  Others  believed  that  all  would  eventually  be  saved, 
who  had  been  baptized  in  the  catholic  church,  and  had 
partaken  of  the  eucharist,  into  whatever  crimes,  errors 
and  heresies  they  might  afterwards  have  fallen  ;  alleging 
in  their  support,  the  declarations  of  the  Saviour,  that 
whoever  eateth  of  this  bread,  shall  live  forever,  and  the 
remark  of  the  apostle,  that  the  church  is  the  body  of 
Christ.  4,  There  were  some  of  the  orthodox,  who, 
though  they  held  agreeably  to  the  decision  of  the 
late  councils  against  Origen,  that  the  devil  and  his  an- 
gels would  suffer  endless  punishment,  believed,  never- 
theless, that  all  mankind,  without  exception,  would  be 
saved  ;  the  wicked,  after  ages  of  torment  in  hell.  5,  The 
last  class  of  the  orthodox,  which  w^as  undoubtedly  small, 
held  that  God  had  indeed  threatened  future  misery  on 
the  impenitent,  but  that  the  saints,  at  the  great  judgment 
day,  would  so  earnestly  intercede  with  the  Almighty  in 
behalf  of  the  world,  that  all  mankind,  even  the  impious 
and. the  infidels,  would  be  saved,  without  any  suffering  at 
all ;  while  the  devil  and  his  angels  should  be  abandoned 
to  endless  torture.  To  prove  the  right  of  God  to  remit 
his  threatenings,  they  adduced  the  judgment  denounced, 
but  not  executed,  upon  Nineveh  ° . 

All  his  variety  of  opinion  appears  to  have  been  toler- 
ated in  the  church  ;  and  it  is  natural  to  suppose  tliat  there 
were  some  who  still  held  in  secret,  with  Origen,  that  all 
intelligences,  including  the  apostate  angels,  w^ould  ulti- 
mately be  reconciled  to  God. 

o  Augiistin.  De  Civit.  Dei  Lib.  xxi.  cap.  17 — 21- 


250  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

IV.  This  last  opinion,  heretical  as  it  had 
A.  D.  410,  been  adjudged,  was  certainly  spreading, 
to  415.  and  openly  taught,  in  the  northeastern  prov- 
ince of  Spain,  that  now  bears  the  name  of 
Catalonia.  About  fifty  miles  beyond  the  mouth  of  the 
Ebro,  stands  the  modern  city  of  Tarragona,  on  the  ven- 
erable ruins  of  the  ancient  metropolis,  Tarraco ;  which, 
from  the  summit  of  a  gentle  eminence,  overlooked  the 
Mediterranean  to  the  south,  and  a  fertile  country 
around  p.  Two  of  the  citizens,  by  the  name  of  Avitus, 
having  spent  some  time  in  the  east,  returned  not  far  from 
A.  D.  410;  and  one  of  them  brought  from  Jerome  in 
Palestine,  the  correct  translation  of  Origen's  books  Of 
Principles,  together  with  a  long  Letter  pointing  out  their 
erroneous  doctrines  '^.  But  the  antidote  proved  only  a 
partial  preventive.  While  the  two  friends  rejected  some 
of  Origen's  speculations,  they  adopted  others ;  and  with 
the  assistance  of  one  Basil,  a  Grecian,  they  proceeded 
to  teach  among  the  people  the  following  peculiar  tenets  : 
1,  That  all  things  had,  from  eternity,  a  real  existence  in 
the  mind  of  Deity.  2,  That  angels,  human  souls  and  2 
demons  were  of  one  uniform,  equal  substance,  and  ori-  ^ 
ginally  of  the  same  rank  ;  and  that  their  present  diversi- 
ty is  the  consequence  of  their  former  deserts.  3,  That 
this  world  was  made  for  the  punishment  and  purification 
of  the  souls  which  had  sinned  in  the  pre-existent  state. 
4,  That  the  flames  of  future  torment  are  not  material  fire 
but  only  the  remorse  of  conscience.     5,  That  they  are 

P  Swinburne's  Travels  in  Spain.  q  Hieronynii  Epist.  xciv. 

ve].59,  ad  Avitum.     See  Sect.  ii.  of  this  chapter,  Note  i. 


viii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  251 

not  endless ;  for  although  tliey  are  called  everlasting^ 
yet  that  word  in  the  original  Greek,  does  not,  according 
to  its  etymology,  and  its  frequent  use,  signify  endless, 
but  answers  only  to  the  duration  of  an  age  ;  so  that  eve- 
ry sinner,  after  the  purification  of  his  conscience,  shall 
return  into  the  unity  of  the  body  of  Christ.  6,  That 
the  devil  himself  will  at  length  be  saved,  when  all  his 
wickedness  shall  have  been  subdued.  7,  That  Christ  had 
been  employed,  before  his  advent  on  earth,  in  preaching 
to  the  angels  and  exalted  powers.  8,  That  the  sun, 
moon  and  stars,  are  to  be  reckoned  among  those  intelli- 
gent rational  creatures  who,  according  to  St.  Paul,  were 
made  subject  to  vanity,  and  likewise  to  hope  ^' . 

These  doctrines,  together  with  the  separate  heresy  of 
the  Priscillianists  which  flourished  in  Spain,  caused  so 
much  disturbance  atTarraco   and  its  neighborhood,  that 

two  of  the  bishops  at  length  sent  a  deputa- 
A.  D.  415.     tion  on  the  subject  to  Augustine  in  Africa; 

and  he  wrote,  immediately,  in  return  a 
small  book  Against  the  Priscillianists  and  Oi'igenists, 
but  chiefly  against  the  latter.  In  opposition  to  their 
views  of  future  punishment,  he  asserted  the  materiality 
of  its  fire,  and  laboriously  defended  the  eternity  of  its 
duration  :  attempting  to  maintain  that  the  original  word, 
translated  everlasting,  always  signified  endless.  But  be- 
cause there  might  be  some  exceptions,  as  he  at  the  same 
time  inconsistently  admitted,he  then  changed  his  ground, 
and  resorted  to  that  declaration  of  Christ,  These  shall  go 


r  Orbsii  Consultatio  sive  Commonitorium  ad  Augustin.    inter   Au- 
gustini  Opp,  Tom.  vi.  Edit.  Basil,  1569. 


252  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

away  into  everlasting  punishment,  hut  the  righteous  into 
life  eternal,  (Matt.  xxv.  46,)  where  the  same  Greek 
word  was  applied  to  the  torments  of  the  damned,  and 
to  the  bhss  of  the  saints  :  so  that  if  the  Origenists  would, 
through  compassion,  Hmit  the  duration  of  the  former, 
they  must  also  restrict  that  of  the  latter.  But  even  if 
this  should  not  convince  them,  how  could  they  elude 
that  declaration  of  the  prophet  Isaiah,  their  ivorm  shall 
not  die,  neither  shall  their  fire  he  quenched?   (Isa.  Ixvi. 

Such  is  the  order  and  substance  of  his  arguments.  It 
is  remarkable,  that  here  we  meet  ■v\ith  the  earhest  at- 
tempt at  criticism  on  that  original  word  which  has  been 
the  subject  of  so  much  useless  controversy  in  modern 
times.  But  Augustine,  a  Latin  writer,  was  very  imper- 
fectly acquainted  with  the  Greek  language  ;  and  if  we 
may  judge  from  what  we  have  observed  in  our  own  day, 
his  criticisms  were  accounted  satisfactory  by  the  deter- 
mined believers  in  endless  misery,  but  absurd,  by  the 
Universahsts.  A  few  years  afterwards,  in  composing  a 
general  body  of  Divinity,  he  repeated  some  of  these  ar- 
guments, with  several  additions,  and  combatted  the  no- 
tions of  all  the  several  classes  just  mentioned,  who  extend- 
ed the  happiness  of  heaven  beyond  the  number  who  died 
in  faith  and  holiness  * .  He  has  furnished  the  moderns 
with  many  of  the  trite  but  popular  objections  which  are 
now  alleged  from  the  scriptures,  against  the  salvation  of 
all  mankind.^ 

B  Augustini  Lib.  Contra  Priscillianisias  et  Origenistas,  Tom.  vi. 

t  Augustin.  De  Civit.  Dei  Lib.  xxi.  cap.  2:) — 24. 

*  As  a  specimen  of  his  reasoning,  or  declamation,  which   with   him 


viii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  25& 

V.  But  however  inconclusive  his  arguments  may  have 
been  deemed,  the  great  authority  of  his  opinions,  espe- 
cially in  the  western  churches,  must  have  checked  the 
progiess  of  any  docti'ine  which  he  was  known  so  decid- 

was   original,   I   subjoin   an  entire   chapter  from    his   great   work, 
The  Citij  of  God. 

"  And  in  the  first  place  we  should  ascertain  why  the  Church  has  refused 

"  to  allow  people  to  dispute  in  favor  of  a  purification   and    release   of  the 

''■  devil  hhnselt,  after  very  great  and  lasting  punishments:     It  was  not  that 

'^  so  man}-  holy  men,  so  well  instructed  in  the  Old  and  New  Testaments, 

"  grudged  any  of  the  angels  a  purification,  and  the  bliss  of  heaven  after  so 

"  great  torments  3    but  it  wa^  because  they  saw  it  impossible  to   annul  or 

'^  weaken  that  divine  sentence  which  the   Lord  declared  he  would  pro- 

"  nounce  in  the  judgment,  Depart  from  me,    ye  cursed,    into  eternal  fire, 

"  preinired  for  the  devil  and  his  angels.  (Matt.  xxv.  41.)  For  thus  it  is  shown 

"  that  the  de\il  and  his  angels  are   to  burn  in  eternal  fire.     As  it  is  written 

"  in  the  Apocalypse  :    The  devil  who  deceived  them  was  cast  into  the  lake  of 

*' fire  and  brimstone,  where  are  the  beast  and  the  false  prophet ;  and  they  sJiall 

"be  tormented  daij  and  night  forever  and  ever.  (Rev.  xx.  10.)  What  is  called  in 

"  the  other  passage  eternal,  is  here  expressed  hy  forever  and  ever  :  by  which 

"  words  the  divine  scripture  is  wont  to  mean  nothing  but  what  is  endless  in 

"  duration.     And  there  is  no  other  reason,  nor  can  one  more  just  and  man- 

"  ifest  be  found,  why  we  should  hold  it  fixed  and  immutable  in  the  sincerest 

"  piety,  that  the  devil  and  his  angels  are  never  to  return  to  righteousness  £uid 

"  the  life  of  the  holy,  than  that  the  scripture,  which  deceives  no  one,  says 

''that  God  spared  them  not  (2  Pet.ii.  4-,)  but  delivered  them  up  to  be  kept 

''in  prisons  of  infenial  darkness,  in  order  to  be  punished  at  the  lastjudg- 

"  ment,  when  the}'  shall  be  sent  into  eternal  fire,  where  they  shall  be  tor- 

"mented  forever  and  ever.     This   being  the  case,  how  can  all,  or  any  of 

"  mankind,  after  a  certain  period,  be  restored  from  the  eternity  of  this  pun- 

"  ishment,  and  not  immediately  weaken  that  faith  by  which  we  believe  the 

"  torments  of  the  demons  will  be  endless  ?     For  if  all  or  any.  of  those  to 

"  whom  it  shall    be  said.  Depart  from    me,   ye  cursed,  into   eternal  fire, 

'^prepared  for  the  devil  and  his  angels,  shall  not  alwa3's  remain  there,  what 

'•'  reason  have  we  to  believe  that  the  devil  and  his  angels  will  always  re- 

"  main  there  1  Will  the  sentence  of  God  which  is  pronounced  both  against 

"  the  evil  angels  and  men,  be  true  with  respect  to  the  angels,  and  false  with 

"respect  to  men  ?     Thus  it  will  plainly  be,  if  not  what  God  said,  but  what 

"  men  suspect,  avail  the  most.     But  be<ause  that  cannot  be  the  case,  thej 

"  who  would  shun  eternal  torments,  ought,  while   there  is  time,  to  yield  to 

"  the  divine  precept,  instead  of  arguing  against  God.    And  again  :  how  can 

"we  suppose  eternal  torment   to   be  only  a  fire  of  long  duration,  and  yet 

"  eternal  life  to  be  without  end,  when  in  the  very  same  passage,  and  in  on© 

"  and  the  same  sentence,  Christ  said  with  reference  to  both.  These  shall  go 

"  away    into  et'irnal    punishment,    but    the    ri-rhteo^is    in'o    eternal,   life  ? 

"  (Matt.  xxv.  46.)     As  both  are  eternal,  both  certainly  ought  to  be  under- 

*'  stood  either  as  of  long  duration  but  with  an  end,  or  else  as  perpetual,  with 

"  no  end.     For  they  are  connected  together  :  on  the  one  hand,  eternal  pun- 

"  ishment ;  on  the  other  eternal  life.  And  it  is  very  absurd  to  say,  in  this  one 

22 


^54  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

edly  to  oppose.  Already  were  his  talents,  his  virtues, 
and  his  unremitted  faithfulness  repaid  with  a  general  hom- 
age, such  as  had  been  enjoyed  by  none  of  the  christian 
doctors,  since  the  time  of  the  more  vigorous  and  enter- 
prizing,  but  less  amiable  Athanasius.  His  decisions 
were  received  in  the  West,  with  almost  universal  def- 
erence ;  and  in  the  East,  his  name  was  regarded  with 
great,  though  perhaps,  not  equal  veneration.  A  long 
and  intimate  familiarity  with  the  holy  scriptures,  a  com-» 

''  amd  the  same  sense,  that  eternal  life  will  be  without  end,  and  eternal  punish- 
"ment  will  have  an  end.  Whence,  as  the  eternal  life  of  the  saints  will  be  with- 
"  out  end,  so  also  the  eternal  punishment  of  those  who  shall  suffer  it,  will^ 
"  without  any  douI)t,  have  no  end."  De  Civitate  Dei  Lib.  xxi.  cap.  23. 
This  lemains,  even  to  the  present  da}^  the  most  popular,  and  perhaps  the 
most  plausible  argument  used  against  the  doctrine  of  Universal  Salvation  j 
and  yet  it  is  founded  on  one  of  the  most  palpable  blunders  into  which  the 
church  has  fallen  :  that  of  applying-  to  eternit}^  what  Christ  declared  should 
be  accomplished  in  his  own  generation.  Compare  Matt.  xxv.  31 — ,  with  its 
immediate  connexion.  Matt.  xxiv.  30 — 34;  and  also  with  Matt.  x.  23 — xvL 
27,  28.— Mark  viii.  38,  ix.  1.— Luke  ix.  26,  27. 

Another  chapter  of  the  same  work,  furnishes  us  with  the  original,  I  be- 
lieve, whence  has  been  derived  one  of  the  popular  methods  of  justifying-  the 
'^'infli.tion  of  endless  tonnents  :  "  But  to  human  notions  eternal  punishment 
''  seems  hard  and  unjust,  because  that  in  the  weakness  of  our  mortal  senses 
*' we  are  destitute  of  that  most  exalted  and  pure  wisdom  by  which  we  could 
*'  realize  how  great  was  the  wickedness  comuiitled  in  the  first  transgression. 
'^  For  in  proportion  as  man  enjoyed  God,  was  the  magnitude  of  his  impie- 
"  ty  in  forsaking  God  ;  and  he  was  worthy  of  eternal  evil,  who  destroyed 
''in  himself  that  g-ood  which  might  have  been  eternal.  And  the  whole 
"  mass  of  the  human  race  was  therefore  condemned,  because  that  he  who 
^'  first  introduced  sin,  was  punished  together  with  his  posterity  which  had 
''its  root  in  him;  so  that  none  could  be  released  from  this  just  and  merited 
"  penalty,  but  by  mercy  and  unmerited  g-race.  And  thus  mankind  are  so 
"  situated  that  in  some  of  them  the  power  of  merciful  grace  may  be  exhibit- 
"ed;  and  in  the  rest,  the  power  of  vindictive  justice.  For  both  could  not 
"  be  manifested  upon  all ;  because  if  all  should  remain  in  the  suf^erin^s  of  their 
'^just  damnation,  in  none  v.ould  appear  the  merciful  grace  of  redemption, 
"  and  if  all  should  be  translated  from  darkness  into  light,  in  none  would 
"  appear  the  severity  of  vengeance.  Of  the  latter  class  there  are  many 
"  more  than  of  the  former  ;  that  thus  might  be  shown  what  was  due  to  all, 
"  And  if  it  had  been  inflicted  upon  all,  none  could,  with  propriety,  have 
"  called  in  question  the  justice  of  the  vengeance  5  and  the  release  of  so 
"  many  as  are  saved  therefrom,  should  be  an  occasion  of  the  greatest 
"  thanksgiving  for  the  gift  of  redemption."  De  Civitate  Dei  Lib.  xxi. 
cap.  12. 

N.  B.  This  was  written  about  A.  D.  420,  or  426. 


viii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM;  255 

petent  share  of  learning,  and  a  large  fund  of  general 
information,  which  had  been  rather  hastily  collected} 
supplied  his  strong  capacious  mind  with  subjects  for  re- 
flection, and  pro\'ided  his  argumentative  genius  with  the 
weapons  of  controversy.  These,  however,  he  gener- 
ally managed  with  moderation.  In  addition  to  the  nu- 
merous avocations  of  a  bishop,  his  remaining  works,  in 
ten  folio  volumes,  demonstrate  his  incessant  and  labori- 
ous industry ;  but  they,  at  the  same  time,  show  that, 
like  most  of  the  ancient  fathers,  he  was  a  hasty  writer, 
and  that  it  w^as  not  uncommon  for  him  to  venture  upon 
subjects  the  most  important,  without  the  precaution  of 
understanding  himself,  at  least,  of  defining  his  view^s  in 
his  own  mind.  The  credulity  and  spirit  of  religious  ro- 
mance which  then  prevailed,  frequently  seduced  his  bet- 
ter judgment ;  and  his  imagination  was  sometimes  suf- 
fered to  roam,  though  with  a  cautious  step,  into  the 
fashionable  regions  of  whim  and  extravagance.  But 
even  in  his  vagaries,  he  may  be  distinguished  among  his 
cotemporaries,  for  an  air  of  reflection  ;  and  he  frequent- 
ly evinces  a  degree  of  sound  common  sense,  to  which 
tliey  were  strangers.  His  fame  and  influence  never 
rendered  him  assuming  ;  and  his  humility  always  ap- 
pears natural  and  unaffected.  Warm  and  devotional  in 
his  piety,  pure  in  his  morals,  even  to  austerity,  he  en- 
joyed a  serene  and  benignant  temper,  which  was  seldom 
ruffled  or  embittered  by  his  perpetual  controversies.  In 
general,  he  treated  his  very  opponents  with  an  indul- 
gence to  which  they  were  unaccustomed,  and  which 
would  appear  with  advantage  in  the  theological  warfare 
of  a  later  and  more  refined  age.     That  he  sometimes 


266  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

dissembled  for  truth's  sake,  and  that  he  counte- 
nanced the  legal  persecution  of  schismatics,  when 
he  could  not  persuade  them  to  re-enter  the  catholic 
church,  may  in  justice  be  imputed  to  the  per- 
nicious but  approved  maxims  of  Ids  times.  Such  was 
Augustine,  a  great  and  a  good  man.  Yet  he  was  the 
father  of  the  present  orthodox  system  of  total  depravi- 
ty, irresistible   grace,  and  sovereign,  partial  election. 

VI.  By  introducing  this  system  of  doctrine  into  the 
church,  he  unknowingly  laid  upon  the  cause  of  Univer- 
salism  a  remote,  but  eventually,  a  more  fatal  check 
than  even  the  decisions  of  a  council  would  have  im- 
posed. Hitherto,  none  of  the  catholic  christians  had 
gone  farther,  in  their  very  lowest  descents  into  orthodoxy, 
than  to  represent  that  irom  the  fall  of  Adam  all  his  pos- 
terity inherited  a  mortal  constitution,  an  unhappy  weak- 
ness of  soul,  and  such  a  degree  of  depravity  as  caused 
a  propensity  to  sin  ;  and  that  the  supernatural  influences 
of  God's  spirit  were  necessary  to  aid,  not  strictly  to  cre- 
ate, human  resolutions,  and  to  render  them  effectual. 
But  this  divine  agency  they  had  ever  held,  was  always 
received  or  rejected,  cherished,  or  suppressed,  yielded 
to  or  resisted,  entirely  by  the  free  will  of  the  creature  : 
and  they  had  never  disputed  that  all  had  competent  pow- 
er, both  natural  and  moral,  to  avail  themselves  of  its  as- 
sistance. It  was  proffered  sincerely  to  all,  for  the  sin- 
gle purpose  of  preserving  in  holiness  such  as  were 
already  pure,  and  of  reclaiming  the  sinful ;  for  it  was  une- 
quivocally the  will  of  God  that  all  should  be  saved. 
There  may,  indeed,  have  been  some  who  entertained  a 
vague  notion  that  the  devil  and  his   angels,  when   they 


viii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  257 

apostatized,  sunk  below  the  reach  of  divine  mercy,  and 
tliat  impenitent  sinners,  when  they  die,  pass  the  irreme- 
able line  ;  but  that  God  had  sought  to  prevent  the  fatal 
catastrophe  appears  to  have  been  doubted  by  none,,  and 
that  his  decrees  were  concerned  in  procuring  it,  was  a 
tliought  from  w^hich  every  one  would  have  shrunk  with 
horror. 

So  long  as  it  was  the  invariable  opinion  that  God  sin- 
cerely aimed  at  the  repentance  and  salvation  of  all  his 
erring  creatures,  it  is  easy  to  discover  that  a  silent  but 
strong  influence  was  constantly  bearing  the  more  re- 
flecting minds  towards  Universahsm;  as  it  was  unnatu- 
ral to  suppose  that  the  will  of  an  immutable  Deity  could 
ever  totally  abandon  its  aim,  or  that  Omnipotence 
would  be  forever  frustrated  in  its  objects  by  the  impo- 
tence of  man.  Resulting  from  this  view  there  was  also 
a  favorable,  though  often  indefinite,  persuasion  of  the 
general  goodness  of  God,  which  tended  to  suggest 
doubts  of  the  eternal  infliction  of  a  torment  as  fruitless 
as  it  was  unmerciful.  But  when  christians  became  ac- 
customed to  consider  it  the  arbitrary  determination  of 
the  Almighty  Sovereign  to  save  a  part,  and  a  part  only, 
and  at  the  same  time  to  abandon  the  rest  to  certain  and 
complete  ruin,  the  doctrine  of  endless  misery  stood  on 
its  own  proper  and  substantial  foundation,  the  divine 
counsel ;  for  it  was  not  likely  that  the  neglected  and 
helpless  wretches  would  be  saved,  when  their  recovery 
was  not  actually  desired  by  God  ". 

a  I  do  not  forget,  what  may  at  first  seem  to  contradict  this  reason- 
ing, that  the  high  Calvinisai  of  Whitfield  and  his  school,  was  the 
immediate  occasion  of  the  ri-e  of  the  present  sect  of  Universalists. 
But,  then,  the   leading  preachers  of  Whitfield's  connexion  did  not 

22* 


258  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

VII.  This  change  of  doctrine,  one  of 
A.  D.  412,  the  most  momentous  which  has  ever  oc- 
to  418.  curred,  appears  to  have  entered  the  church, 
hke  many  others,  by  accident  rather  than 
by  design.  Two  British  monks,  Pelagius  and  his  dis- 
ciple Celestius,  residing  at  Rome  early  in  this  century, 
imbibed  some  pecuhar  sentiments  from  certain  chris- 
tians "^  who  had  studied  in  the  East.  Though  these 
sentiments  were  silently  spreading  in  the  city,  little 
notice  was  taken  of  them;  and  Pelagius  continued  to 
enjoy  a  high  and  deserved  reputation  for  the  purity  of 
his  character  and  for  the  warmth  of  his  devotion  to  the 
church.  Going  at  length  into  Africa,  he  formed  some 
acquaintance  with  Augustine ;  and  then  pursued  his 
course  on  a  visit  to  John,  in  Palestine,  leaving  Celestius 
at  Carthage.  Here,  the  latter  was  soon  involved  in  a 
charge  of  heresy ;  and  he  was  condemned  at  the 
Council  of  Carthage,  in  A.  D.  412,  for  teaching  what 
was  certainly  a  considerabe  variation  from  the  popular 
belief  of  the  age,  that  Adam  was  created  mortal,   that 


generally  dwell  on  the  black  side  of  the  picture.  The  favorite 
themes  on  which  they  used  to  expatiate,  with  all  the  fervor  of  enthusi- 
asm, w^ere,  the  complete  pardon  purchased  by  Christ,  the  free,  un- 
conditional gift  of  salvation,  and  the  omnipotent  energy  of  God's 
spirit  in  converting  sinners.  When  these  encouraging  topics  were 
so  zealously  urged,  without  a  corresponding  regard  for  the  decree 
of  damnation,  it  was  but  one  step  forward  to  the  hope,  the  conclu- 
sion, that  God  would  have  all  men  to  be  saved  ;  and  to  this  step,  the 
strong  tide  of  their  new  feelings,  their  view  of  the  Messiah's  increas- 
ing and  victorious  kingdom,  as  well  as  the  testimonies  of  scripture, 
impelled  them,  often  before  they  were  thoroughly  aware. 

V  It  has  been  supposed  that  one  Rufinus,  a  Syrian  (a  friend  and 
not  the  opponent  of  Jerome)  brought  this  doctrine  from  Asia  Minor, 
and  perhaps  from  Theodorus  of  Mopsuestia,  to  Rome,  and  here 
taught  it  to  Pelagius, 


I 


viii.]  OF^UNIVERSALISM.  259 

his  transgressioa  aifected  none  of  his  posterity,  but  him- 
self alone,  and  that  children  dying  in  infancy  whether 
baptized  or  unbaptized,  immediately  enter  the  joys  of 
heaven.  To  these  particulars  we  may  here  add  some 
others  which  were  involved  during  the  progress  of  the 
succeeding  controversy,  and  which  complete  the  doc- 
trine of  Pelagianism  :  that  as  mankind  are  now  born 
pure,  they  are  able,  after  transgression,  to  repent,  re- 
form, and  arrive  at  length  to  the  highest  degrees  of 
virtue  and  piety,  even  to  perfection,  by  the  exercise 
merely  of  their  own  natural  powers ;  that  though  the 
external  excitements  of  divine  grace  are  necessary  to 
rouse  their  endeavors,  yet  they  have  no  need  of  any  in- 
ternal agency  of  the  Holy  Ghost ;  that  infant  baptism 
does  not  wash  away  sin,  but  is  only  a  ceremony  of  ad- 
mittance into  the  church  of  Christ;  and  that  good 
works  are  meritorious  as  the  conditions  of  salvation. 
Such,  it  appears,  were  the  real  tenets  of  Pelagius  and 
Celestius,  though  they  were  sometimes  unjustly  charged 
with  disowning  the  necessity  of  the  grace  of  God,  in 
every  sense  relative  to  human  actions,  and  with  denying 
tlie  utility  of  infant  baptism. 

On  the  condemnation  of  Celestius  in  the  Council  of 
Carthage,  Augustine  began  to  preach  and  to  write  against 
tlie  heresy,  with  his  characteristic  tenderness  at  first 
towards  its  authors,  but  always  with  a  cool,  invincible 
determination  to  destroy  their  doctrine,  root  and  branch. 
Their  equivocations,  at  least  indecision  and  ambiguity, 
conspired  at  length  with  the  ardor  of  controversy  to 
provoke  his  zeal ;  and  the  hesitation  of  some  of  the 
councils,  and  of  the  Roman  Pontiff  in  particular,  left  to 


260  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

him  the  whole  responsibility  of  the  warfare.  After  six 
years,  however,  of  indefatigable  peseverance,  he  suc- 
ceeded in  procuring  the  effectual  condemnation  and 
general  suppression  of  Pelagianism.  But  in  this  long 
contest,  he  himself  had  gone  over,  by  degrees,  to  the 
opposite  extreme ;  and  influenced,  perhaps,  by  the 
early  bias  of  his  Manichean  principles  "',  he  maintained 
what  was  new  in  the  church,  that  Adam's  transgression 
had  so  thoroughly  corrupted  all  his  posterity,  that  by 
nature,  they  could  do  only  evil,  and  that  nothing  but  the 
hresistible  spirit  of  the  Almighty  could  incline  their  wills 
to  good,  and  induce  them,  contrary  to  their  nature,  to 
accept  of  his  grace.  God  alone  was,  from  first  to  last, 
the  immediate  agent  of  their  counternatural  conversion ; 
and  on  his  arbitrary  pleasure  only  did  it  depend  whether 
the  impotent  sinner  should  be  renovated.  From  these 
premises  he  advanced  to  the  necessary  conclusion  that 
God  had  foreordained  whom  to  convert  and  finally 
save,  without  reference  to  any  thing  which  they  should 
perform ;  while  he  had  hkewise  predetermined  to  pass 
by  all  the  remainder  of  the  fallen  race.  Such  was  the 
first  organization  of  the  present  orthodox  system,  so  far 
as  it  regards  total  depravity,  election  and  reprobation ''. 
With    somewhat    different   views,  the   Pelagians  were 

^  See  Appendix  to  Chapter  v.  Sect.  2.  Note  (b.)  It  is  a  curious 
circumstance  tliat  nearly  all  the  fathers  who  had  been  converted 
from  other  religions,  always  retained  some  of  the  peculiarities  of 
their  former  doctrines,  notvvithstanding  they  became  the  most  stren- 
ncus  opposcrs  of  those  systems,  taken  as  a  whole.  Witness  the  con- 
verts from  the  Greek  superstitions,  who  corrnjitcd  Christianity  with 
their  old  philosophy ;  and  those  from  the  Magian  religion,  who  in- 
troduced the  monstrous  fables  of  the  Gnostics.  x  The  differ- 
ence between  Augustine's  doctrine  and  that  of  Calvin,  on  election 
and  reprobation,  though  small,  is  such  as  to  betray  the  crudeness  of 


viii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  261 

attacked  by  other  cotemporaiy  writers,  and  among  the 
rest  by  Jerome,  with  his  accustomed  violence.  But 
he,  abiding  by  the  common  doctrine  of  the  age,  went 
no  farther  than  to  maintain  the  absolute  necessity  of 
Christ's  assistance  in  the  performance  of  good  works, 
and  the  impossibility  of  living  in  this  w^orld  entirely  free 
from  sin.  He  still  taught  that  it  depefnded  on  man  to 
accept  or  refuse  God's  aid,  and  that  election  was  found- 
ed, not  on  the  independent,  sovereign  purpose,  but  on 
the  divine  foreknowledge  of  the  creature's  obedience ; 
and  what  is  remarkable,  he  seems,  notwithstanding  tlie 
essential  difference  in  their  views,  to  have  considered 
himself  a  co-worker  with  the  bishop  of  Hippo. 

In  short,  it  was  for  various  reasons  that  Pelagius  was 
almost  universally  discarded ;  while  Augustine's  novel 
and  arbitrary  scheme  met  with  the  success  which  often 
attends  a  bold  advancement,  rather  than  a  retrogression, 
from  former  principles.  It  spread  extensively  in  the 
West ;  but  was,  for  many  years,  generally  rejected  in 
the  East.     The  authority  of  his  name,  however,  pre- 

tlie  Masier,  and  the  finishing  touches  of  his  Scholar.  Augustine 
seems  to  have  held  that  God  did  not  ordain  the  fall  of  Adam,  and 
tliat  it  was  after  that  event  occurred,  and  when  it  had  become  cer- 
tain that  the  whole  race  would  be  born  totally  depraved  and  therefore 
under  helpless  bondage  to  sin,  that  the  elect  were  chosen  and  the 
reprobate  abandoned.  The  original  plan  of  creation  did  not  embrace 
such  a  result.  But  Calvin  and  other  Reformers,  with  a  better  digest- 
ed arrangement,  carried  back  the  separating  decree  to  the  past  ages 
of  eternity  ;  so  that  mankind  were  originally  created  for  their  respec- 
tive destinations.  Augustine  was  by  no  means  thoroughly  syste- 
matic :  He  held  that  Christ  died  for  all  men  ;  that  even  genuine 
conversion  is  no  security  of  final  happiness,  as  the  subjects  may  after- 
wards fatally  relapse  and  perish  ;  and  that  the  grace  of  perseverance 
alone  is  the  pledge  of  pei-sonal  election.  No  infants  who  had  not 
been  baptized  could  be  sa\-ed ;  because  regeneration  was  effected 
only  in  the  rite  of  water  baptism. 


262  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

served  his  followers  from  condemnation,  so  long  as  they 
adhered  strictly  to  his  definitions,  nor  suffered  them- 
selves to  assert  that  God  had  foreordained  the  original 
fall  and  the  succeeding  sins  of  mankind.  But  the  sub- 
ject occasioned  long  and  intricate  controversies,  in 
which  the  disputants  perpetually  ran  mto  error,  and 
sometimes  into  heresy,  on  one  extreme  or  the  other ; 
and  the  metaphysical  subtilities  then  involved,  have  not 
ceased  to  employ  the  ingenuity  of  logicians,  and  to  feed 
the  spleen  of  bigots,  do^vn  to  the  present  day. 

VIII.  During  the  first  three  or  four  years 
A.  D.  413,  of  his  troubles,  Pelagius  resided  in  Pales- 
to  220.  tine,  enjoying  the  patronage  of  John  of 
Jerusalem  ;  and  w^hen,  in  A.  D.  416,  he 
was  arraigned,  on  a  charge  of  heresy,  before  a  Synod  at 
Diospolis,  near  Joppa,  that  prelate  earnestly  defended 
him,  and  procured  his  entire  acquittal  ^,  But  John  did 
not  live  to  witness  the  conclusion  of  the  controversy. 
A  peaceful  death  closed  his  career  in  the  beginning  of 
A.  D.  417,  at  about  the  age  of  sixty.  He  was  consider- 
ably famous  in  his  day,  but  chiefly  for  the  part  he  bore 
in  the  contests  which  agitated  the  church.  We  discover 
nothing  in  his  hfe,  that  evinces  superior  learning,  talents, 
or  piety ;  and  as  he  has  been  generally  described,  he 
betrays  some  appearances  of  petulance,  of  timidity,  and 
of  a  wary  cunning.  In  justice  to  him,  however,  we 
must  remember  that  his  history  is  collected  wholly  from 
his  opponents,  and  chiefly  from  his  bitter  enemies.  His 
friends,  it  is  certain,  gave  him  the  character  of  a  worthy 

y  Fleury's  Eccl.  Hist.  Book  xxiii.  chap.  19,  20. 


i 


viii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM,  263 

and  pious  man  ;  and  even  Pope  Anastasius  and  Augus- 
tine addressed  him  in  terms  of  respect  and  esteem. 
Indeed,  such  as  he  actually  appears,  it  would  be  no 
disparagement  to  the  generality  of  his  cotemporaries  to 
compare  them  with  him.  He  was  a  zealous  patron  of  the 
monastic  life,  and  joined  in  the  prevailing  veneration  of 
relics ;  and  his  last  days  were  honored,  to  adopt  the 
language  of  those  times,  by  the  miraculous  discovery  of 
the  bodies  of  Stephen  the  first  martyr,  of  Nicodemus  who 
came  to  our  Saviour  by  night,  and  of  Gamaliel  the  mas^ 
ter  of  St.  Paul.  These  remains,  undoubtedly  of  some 
nameless  persons,  drew  vast  concourses  on  their  revela- 
tion from  the  grave,  excited  universal  awe,  and  of  course 
wrought  numerous  miracles,  according  to  the  invariable 
custom  of  relics  in  that  superstitious  age  ^  . 

In  taking  our  final  leave  of  John  of  Jerusalem,  we 
must  also  bid  adieu  to  an  individual  who  has  borne  a 
still  more  conspicuous  part  in  the  events  of  this  History. 
Jerome  died,  very  old,  at  Bethlehem,  in  the  year  420; 
but  the  account  we  have  already  given  of  his  life  and 
conduct,  sufficiently  exhibits  his  character,  without  the 
tediousness  of  a  formal  description. 

IX.  Of  all  the  ancient  Universalists,  the 

A.  D.  420,     most  respectable  for  good  sense  and  sober 

to  429.       judgment,  if  we  may  rely    on  the  opinion 

of  modern  critics  ^,  was,  probably,  Theo- 

dorus  bishop  of  Mopsuestia,   a  very  eminent  orthodox 

^  Fleury's  Eccl.  Hist.  Book  xxiii.  chap.  22,  23.  a  Beauso- 

bre,  (Hist,  de  Manichee  Lib.  i.  chap.  4.  Tom.  i.  p.  288.)  Lardner, 
(Credibility  &c.  Chap.  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia)  and  Mosheim, 
(Eccl.  Hist.  Cent,  v.  Part  ii.  chap.  2,  3.)  speak  in  the  highest  terms  of 
bis  useful  talents  and  apparent  sound  judgment. 


264  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

father  of  the  East,  and  a  voluminous  writer.  Unhke 
the  earlier  believers  in  the  salvation  of  all  mankind,  he 
was  neither  a  follower  nor  admirer  of  Origen,  but  on 
the  contrary  stood  forth  an  opposer  of  him,  by  publish- 
ing a  book  against  his  allegorical  system  of  interpreta- 
tion*'. Belonging  to  a  small  school  of  divines  w^ho 
may  in  some  sense  merit  the  epithet  of  rationaP,  he 
was  the  principal  advocate,  of  that  age,  for  the  simple, 
historical  method  of  explaining  the  scriptures;  and  it 
seems,  from  a  few  fragments  which  alone  have  descend- 
to  us  of  his  numerous  works,  that  he  pursued  that  course 
with  more  care  and  success  than  most  even  of  our 
modern  Commentators. 

Born  of  illustrious  Syrian  parents,  he  spent  his  youth 
under  the  famous  heathen  sophist,  Libanius  of  Antioch  ; 
and  then,  in  company  with  the  celebrated  Chrysostom, 
he  applied  himself  to  the  study  of  divinity  under  the  in- 
structions of  Diodorus,  afterwards  bishop  of  Tarsus  in 
Cilicia,  the  birth  place  of  St.  Paul.  Nearly  forty  miles 
eastward  of  this  city,  stood  the  ancient  Mopsuestia,  di- 
vided into  two  parts,  the  old  and  the  new,  between 
which  flowed  the  river  Pyramus,  on  its  way  across  ex- 
tensive plains  from  the  gorges  of  Mount  Taurus  in  the 
north,  to  the  Cilician  Sea'*.  Theodorus  was  elevated 
to  the  bishopric  of  this  place  as  early  as  the  year  394. 

b  Facundi  Hermianensis  De  Tribus  Capit.  Lib.  iii.  cap.  6.  inter 
Sirmondi  Opp.  Tom.  ii.  p.  362.  c  Eusebius  Emisenus  an 

Arian,  Diodorus  of  Tarsus  an  Orthodox,  and  Theodorus  of  Mopsues- 
tia, (of  whom  the  two  former  were  much  older  than  the  last)  appear 
to  have  been  singular  in  their  attachment  to  the  rational  method  of 
exposition.  d  gee  the  abstract  of  Capt.  Kinnier's  Travels,  in 

the  Modern  Traveller,  Part  vi.  pp.  278 — 281,  Also  Beaufort's  Kas- 
amania.  Chap.  xiii. 


I 


viii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  265 

Here  he  passed  a  long  episcopate  of  about  thirty  six 
years,  in  composing  Commentaries,  and  polemical 
-works ;  and  in  the  meanwhile,  he  maintained  the  repu- 
tation of  a  distinguished  preacher,  at  Antioch,  at  Con- 
stantinople, and  over  all  the  east.  He  had  been  a  firm 
and  steady  opposer  of  Arianism  ;  and  during  his  hfe 
time,  his  orthodoxy  seems  never  to  have  been  impeach- 
ed, notwithstanding  it  is  certain  that  he  held,  to  their  ut- 
most extent,  the  tenets  for  which  Pelagius  was  con- 
demned, and  though  it  is  probable  that  he  was  the 
source  whence  they  were  indirectly  transmitted  to  that 
unfortunate  heretic.  It  appears  also  that  he  avowed 
with  impunity,  the  restoration  of  the  wicked  from  hell, 
long  after  the  contest  with  the  Origenists,  had  brought 
it  into  disrepute^;  and  it  is  suspected  that  he   was  the 

e  Photius,  of  the  ninth  century,  the  best  ecclesiastical  critic  of  all  antiqui- 
ty, says  he  had  read  a  work  of  Theodoras  of  Mopsuestia,  "  in  five  books, 
'"<■  against  thos  ;  who  asserted  that  men  sin  by  nature,  and  not  by  free  will; 
"  Tlieodorus  considers  it  a  doctrine  held  by  the  western  christians,  and  from 
"  them  brought  into  the  east,  especially  by  an  author  called  Aram,  (who  he 
"  is  I  do  not  know,)  who  had  written  several  books  in  defence  of  it.  The 
"  opinions  of  that  sect,  Theodorus  represents  in  this  manner  :  '  One  of  them 
"  is,  that  men  sin  b}'  nature,  not  by  choice  5  by  nature,  however,  not  mean- 
"  ing-  that  in  which  Adam  was  first  fonned,  (for  that,  they  say,  was  good,) 
'^  but  that  which  he  had  after  he  transgressed,  when  his  nature  had  become 
"  evil  instead  of  good,  and  mortal  instead  of  immortal.  Hence,  men,  hav- 
"  ing  become  bad  by  nature,  who  were  before  good,  now  sin  by  nature  and 
"  not  by  choice.  Consequent  upon  this  is  another  opinion  of  theirs,  that  in- 
"  fants,  even  when  just  bom,  are  not  free  from  sin  3  forasmuch  as  from 
'^  Adam's  transgression,  a  sinful  nature^  as  they  express  it,  is  derived  to 
"  all  his  posterity  :  for  which  they  allege  those  words  of  the  Psalmist,  I  was 
"  born  in  sin,  (Ps.  li.  5.)  and  other  passages.'  Here  also,"  adds  Photius, 
"  appear  Nestorian  principles,  and  the  notion  of  Origkn  concerning 

"    (HE  TERMINATION  OF  THE  PUNISHMENTS    OF     THE  FUTURE    STATE: 

'•He  also  says  that  man  was  at  first  made  mortal,  though  death  be  represented 
"  as  die  consequence  of  his  transgression,  the  better  to  convince  us  of  the 
''  evil  of  sin."  Photii  Bibliothecse  Cod.  177.  N.  B.  I  have  placed  the  date 
of  the  book  here  described,  between  a.d.  420,  and  the  time  of  Theodorus's 
deathj  for  it  is  evident  it  was  written  after  the  Pelagian  controversy  had 
made  considerable  noise,  even  in  the  east. 

23 


266  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

father  of  Nestorianism,  a  doctrine  which  arrived,  though 
in  a  blind  and  very  circuitous  way,  to  little  else  than  the 
simple  humanity  of  Jesus  Christ.  He  died  undisturb- 
ed, however,  in  the  catholic  communion,  about  A.  D. 
429,  aged  not  far,  probably,  from  seventy  years. 

But  after  his  death  he  was  often  reproached  for  his 
Pelagianism,  and  for  his  connexion  with  his  scholar 
Nestorius  ;  and  in  the  middle  of  the  next  century,  he 
was  anathematized  on  the  latter  account,  by  the  Fifth 
General  Council.  Accordingly,  his  works,  for  the  most 
part,  have  either  perished,  or  been  preserved  only  in  the 
Syriac  language,  among  the  Nestorians  of  the  east^;  and 
one  of  these  lots,  probably  the  former,  has  fallen  to  the 
particular  treatise  in  which,  it  is  said,  he  advanced  the 
doctrine  of  Universal  Restoration. 

X.  Directing  our  attention  from  Cihcia 
A.  D.  430,  down  the  Mediterranean  coast  to  the  Holy 
to  450.  Land,  we  discover  that  here  Universalism 
prevailed,  about  this  time,  to  a  considera- 
ble extent  among  the  monks,  especially  around  Cesarea 
in  Palestine.  But  the  glimpse  we  obtain  of  the  fact  is 
casual  and  imperfect,  and  soon  obstructed  by  surround- 
ing darkness.  We  only  know  that  Origenism  had  open- 
ly appeared  in  the  country,  with  a  numerous  party  of 
advocates ;    and   that  the   particulars  in  their   doctrine 

f  Besides  fragments  of  his  wTitings  amonff  the  ac  ts  of  the  Fifth  General 
Council,  in  Facundus  Hermianensis,  and  in  Photius.  it  is  supposed  that  the 
Cotmnentury  on  the  Psalms,  under  the  name  of  Theodorus,  in  Catena  Cor- 
derii,  belongs  to  our  author.  It  is  said  also  that  his  Commentaries  on  the 
Twelve  }\iiiior  Prophets,  exist  in  manuscript  in  the  Emperor's  Librgu-y  at 
Vienna,  in  the  Library  of  St.  Mark  at  Venice,  and  in  the  Library  of  the 
Vatican.  These,  however,  form  but  a  very  small  part  of  the  ancient  cata- 
logue of  his  works. 


viii.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  267 

which  gave  most  offence,  were  the  pre-existence  of 
souls,  and  the  Universal  Restoration.  Against  both  of 
these  points,  Euthymius,  the  chief  abbot  who  then  pre- 
sided over  the  monasteries  in  the  desert  between  Jeru- 
salem and  the  Dead  Sea,  opposed  his  utmost  zeal  and 
indignation  ^,  but  with  what  effect  we  are  not  informed. 
It  does  not  appear,  however,  that  any  of  the  party  were 
arraigned,  nor  their  tenets  condemned.  We  may  nat- 
urally suspect  that  their  faith  had  always  lingered  around 
the  churches  where  Origen  preached,  and  where  Alex- 
ander, Theoctistus  and  John  presided  ;  and  there  is 
some  reason  to  suppose  that  it  continued  to  exist  in  the 
country,  till  it  broke  out,  as  Ave  shall  learn,  sixty  or 
seventy  years  afterwards,  and  spread  through  a  large 
part  of  Palestine. 

But  for  the  remainder  of  the  present  cen- 
A.  D.  450,  tury,  we  seek  in  vain  for  any  traces  of  the 
to  500.  doctrine.  It  had  grown  unpopular.  For 
though  it  had  not  hitherto  been  judicially 
branded  with  the  indelible  mark  of  heresy,  save  when 
it  embraced  the  salvation  of  the  devil  and  his  angels, 
yet  even  in  its  restricted  form,  as  extending  only  to  the 
restoration  of  all  mankind,  it  had  been  pointed  out  as 
an  obnoxious  and  kindred  error  ;  and  the  repose  of  the 
pubHc,  as  well  as  the  quiet  of  the  individual,  must  have 
suggested  the  prudence  of  concealment.  Even  the 
familiar  name  of  Origenism  almost  wholly  disappears, 

5  Vita  Euthymii,  per  Cyrillam  Scythopolitanum,  inter  Cotelerii 
Monumenta  Graec.  Ecclesise  Tom.  iv.  p.  52.  See  also  a  Paraphrase 
of  this  work,  by  Symeon  Metaphrastes,  in  Tom.  ii. 


268  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

during  this  period  ^^ .  We  may,  indeed,  discover  a  fa- 
vorable disposition  in  the  ecclesiastical  historians,  Soc- 
rates, Sozomen  and  Theodoret ;  of  whom  the  two 
first  defended  the  reputation  of  its  former  advocates, 
and  the  last  neglected  to  insert  it  in  his  general  Cata- 
logue of  heresies.  But  on  the  other  hand,  it  appears 
that  Antipater,  bishop  of  Bostra  in  Arabia,  undertook  to 
refute  the  Apology  of  Pamphilus  and  Eusebius  for 
Origen  ;  and  that  about  the  same  time,  a  Council  at 
Rome,  in  A.  D.  496,  either  gave  or  followed  the  ex- 
ample ^  . 

XI.    But    other    and    more    interesting 

A.  D.  450,     causes  maybe  assigned  for  the  deep  silence 

to  500.       which    pervades  the  ecclesiastical  writings 

of  this  period,  with  regard  to  Universalism. 

h  To  this  period,  if  not  to  a  later,  may  perhaps  be  assigned  the  anon- 
ymous Apology  for  Oiigen,  in  five  hooks,  wliich  Photius  describes  (Bib- 
lioth.  Cod.  117.)  without  fixing  its  date.  According  to  him,  it  was 
of  little  value.  The  author,  it  appears,  mentioned  Clemens  Alex- 
andrinus,  Dionysius  the  Great,  and  even  Demetiius,  as  witnesses  in 
favor  of  Origen ;  and  he  strove,  particularly,  to  defend  Pamphilus 
and  Eusebius,  which  shows  that  it  was  after  they  had  been  reproach- 
ed for  their  Apology,  perhaps  by  Jerome,  perhaps  by  Antipater.  He 
also  acknowledged  and  maintained  Origen's  doctrine  of  Pre-exist- 
ence  and  some  other  heierodox  notions;  but  he  denied  that  Origen 
had  been  guilty  of  the  following  errors  charged  upon  him;  'That 
the  Son  is  not  to  be  iuAoked,  is  not  absolutely  good,  and  knows  not 
the  Father  as  he  knows  himself;  That  rational  natures  enter  into 
brutes,  and  that  there  is  a  transmigration  into  different  kinds  of 
bodies;  That  the  soul  of  Christ  was  that  of  Adam  ;  That  there  is 
no  eternal  punishment  for  sinners,  nor  resurrection  of  the  flesh ; 
That  magic  is  not  evil,  and  that  the  influence  of  the  stars  governs 
our  conduct;  That  the  only  begotten  Son  will,  hereafter,  possess 
no  kingdom  ;  That  the  holy  angels  came  into  the  world  as  fallen 
creatures,  not  to  assist  others  ;  That  the  Father  cannot  be  seen  by 
the  Son  ;  That  the  Cherubim  are  merely  the  tlioughts  of  the  Son  j 
That  Christ,  the  image  of  God,  so  far  as  he  is  the  image,  is  not  the 
true  God.'  »  Huet,  Origenian.  Lib.  ii.  cap.  4.  Sect.  ii.  §  24,  25. 


I 


viii.J  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  259 

There  is  no  wonder  it  should  have  been  overlooked,  or 
if  known  to  exist,  that  it  should  have  been  suffered  to 
pass  unnoticed,  when  subjects  far  different,  and  of  the 
most  distracting  nature,  engrossed  the  attention  of  all 
Christendom.     The   Roman  Empire  in  the  West,  was 
going  to  wreck  amidst  the  boisterous   and   conflicting 
waves  that  rolled  in  upon  it  from  the  fierce  North ;  and 
it  finally  sunk  under  the  ceaseless  attacks,  in  the  year 
476.     Odoacer,  king  of  the  Heruli,  enjoyed  the  spoils, 
and  stretched  his  sceptre  over  all  Italy.     But  though 
fallen,  the  country  was  not  permitted  to  repose  in  the 
quiet  of  death.     Other  conquerors  advanced  from  the 
exhaustless   regions    of  barbarism,    and    in  their   turn 
wrested  the  power  from  the  recent  victors.    From  Rome 
to  Britain,  from  the  Danube  to  Africa,  all  was  a  scene 
of  anxiety,    alarm    and   distress.     Amidst  the  general 
commotion,  the  church  beheld,  with  equal  chagrin  and 
fear,    the    exiled   Arians    return  along  with  the  invad- 
ing hosts  of  their  barbarian  converts,  and  under  the  pa- 
tronage of  the  Huns,  Goths  and  Vandals,  assume  the 
preeminence  in  Italy,   Gaul  and  the  African  provinces. 
The  Catholics  now  dreaded,  and  they  sometimes  felt, 
the  scourge  of  retribution  ;    but  they  still  retained  suf- 
ficient spirit  to  wage,  at  intervals,   a  polemical  contest 
with  the  Pelagians  and  Semi-Pelagians.    The  doctrines 
of  absolute  moral  inability,  and  arbitrary  election,  were 
so  novel,  that  a  large  part  of  the  western  christians  re- 
tained, like  the  eastern,  the  former  ground,  on  a  medium 
between  Augustine   and  his  professed  opponents ;    and 
23* 


270  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

the  extreme  difficulty  of  distinguishing  the  variable 
limits  of  heresy  and  ortho-doxy,  betrayed  several  into 
what  was  thought  fatal  error,  and  gave  an  earnest  of 
the  endless  and  undeterminable  controversy  which  had 
been  provided  for  acute  and  subtile  disputants.  The 
Roman  Pontiffs,  however,  had  other  subjects  of  inter- 
est, in  the  terrible  and  shameful  contentions  that  raged, 
with  unprecedented  violence  and  duration,  in  the  east- 
ern churches. 

The  Empire  of  the  East,  though  little  annoyed  by 
foreign  enemies,  was  agitated  by  the  desperate  quarrels 
of  the  clergy,  who  have  left  on  the  records  of  this  age 
one  of  the  blackest  stains  that  disgrace  the  pages  of 
ecclesiastical  history.  The  great  archbishopric  of  Egypt, 
which  had  hitherto  maintained  its  superiority  among 
the  eastern  diocesses,  watched,  with  an  envious  eye, 
the  growing  influence  of  the  new  See  of  Constantino- 
pie,  which  was  rapidly  ascending  to  a  rank  next  that  of 
Rome  ;  and  the  two  successive  prelates  of  Alexandria, 
who  inherited  the  vices  and  the  jealousy  of  Theophilus, 
had  already  shaken  Nestorius  and  after  him  Flavian, 
from  the  episcopal  throne  of  the  rival  city,  by  means  of 
some  intricate  questions  concerning  the  union  of  the  di- 
vine and  human  natures  of  Christ.  All  the  East,  from 
the  Nile  and  the  Bosphorus  to  the  Euphrates,  took  sides 
for  a  long  contest,  in  which  honor  and  freedom  were 
staked,  and  deposition  and  banishment  were  the  penalty 
of  failure.  The  artifices,  the  outrageous  injustice  and 
shameless  effrontery  which  prevail  in  the  most  degene- 
rate courts  in  times  of  violent  faction,  disgraced  three 


Yiii.J  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  271 

General  Councils  ,  in  quick  succession,  and  procured 
for  one  of  them,  even  in  that  age,  an  appellation  which 
truly  belonged  to  all,  The  Assembly  of  Robbers.  The 
indignant  spectator  gladly  turns  from  these  deplorable 
scenes  ^ ;  and  we  may  only  remark,  that  before  the 
close  of  this  century,  the  Nestorian,  Eutychian  and 
Monophysite  heresies  were  successively  condemned,  as 
they  arose,  and  that  amidst  riots,  intrigue,  bribery,  kicks 
and  blows,  was  established  the  present  orthodox  faith 
concerning  the  two  natures  of  Christ :  that  his  divinity 
and  humanity  are  most  closely  and  intimately  united  in 
one  person,  while  they  are  nevertheless  distinct. 

XII.  Nothing  remains  but  to  close  with  a  passing 
notice  of  the  Manicheans.  Under  this  appellation, 
which  had  now  grown  somewhat  indefinite,  may  be 
comprehended  about  all  the  Gnostic  christians  of  this 
century;  for  the  Priscillianists,  who  were  numerous  in 
Spain,  and  a  few  Marcionites,  scattered  in  various  parts, 
were  often  classed,  and  not  very  improperly ,  with  the 
more  genuine  followers  of  Mani,  who  lurked  in  every 
quarter  of  Christendom..  All  of  them  had  been  led,  by 
their  intercourse  with  the  Roman  world,  to  modify  their 
general  system,  and  to  omit  some  of  their  fables  ;  but  they 
always  adhered  to  their  fundamental  doctrine  of  two  Ori- 

j  At  Ephesus,  in  a.  d.  431  ;  at  the  same  place,  in  a.  d.  449;  and  at 
Chalcedon,  in  a.  d.  451.  That  in  a.  d.  449  is  not  reckoned,  by  the 
Catholics,  among  the  General  Councils,  because  the  legates  of  the 
Pope  were  excluded.  ^  Of  this  contest  Gibbon   (Decline 

and  Fall  &c.  chap,  xlvii.)  has  given  a  description  to  the  life,  which 
though  slightly  marked  with  his  infidel  irony,  seems  well  sup- 
ported, and  does  not  differ,  materially,  from  the  narrative  of  the 
Catholic  Fleury,  (Eccl.  Hist,  Book  xxv.  and  onwards.) 


272  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Clmp. 

ginal  Principles,  the  distinct  causes  of  Good  and  Evil. 
On  one  solitary  point  we  may  prefer  their  views  to 
those  entertained  by  a  large  part  of  the  orthodox  :  they 
contemplated  Deity  in  the  unchangeable  character  of 
universal  and  perfect  benevolence.  This  important  sen- 
timent, together  with  their  fanciful  notion  concerning 
the  divine  emanation  of  all  souls,  would  naturally  in- 
cline them  to  expect  the  eventual  recovery  of  human 
nature  ;  but  how  far  they  approached  towards  this  con- 
clusion, does  not  distinctly  appear.  They  still  retained 
enough  of  their  oriental  pecuHarities  to  render  them  in- 
tolerable to  the  Greek  and  the  Roman  sects';  and  while 
the  cruel  laws  of  persecution  compelled  them  to  the 
most  careful  concealment,  the  sharp-sighted  zeal  of  the 
bishops  and  governors  often  detected  them  tlirough  all 
their  disguises. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

[From  A.  D.500,  to  A.  D.  554.] 

I.  The  opening  scene  of  our  narrative  lies  in  the 
barren  Solitude  between  Jerusalem  and  Bethlehem  on 
the  West,  and  the  sunken  coast  of  the  Dead  sea,  or 
Lake  Asphaltites,  oa  the  East.  The  wild  and  austere 
features  of  desolation  whicli  pervade  this  mountainous 
desert,  will  readily  occur  to  the  imagination  of  every 
one  who  has  attentively  studied  the  geography  of  Pales- 
tine. But  it  can  scarcely  be  accounted  a  useless  inter- 
ruption, if  we  pause  here  to  take  a  more  careful  and 
particular  view  of  a  region  so  full  of  interest,  and  which 
retains  to  this  day  nearly  the  same  appearance  it  wore 
m  the  sixth  century. 

Beginning  our  survey  at  the  northeastern  extremity, 
and  standing  on  some  elevated  spot,  if  such  there  be, 
in  the  fields  adjacent  to  the  once  flourishing  Jericho,  we 
should  find  ourselves  in  the  midst  of  an  uneven  plain, 
of  great  length  and  considerable  breadth.  Its  fertility 
departed,  ages  ago,  with  the  banished  tribes,  and  left 
little  remains  on  the  parched  surface,  except  a  kind  of 
spiny  grass,  and  a  few  detached  groves  and  plantations. 
Two  leagues  to  the  East,  the  plain  is  divided  by  the 


274  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap, 

reedy  and  shriib-covered  banks  of  the  Jordan,  whose 
turbid  waters  hasten  along  through  a  narrow  channel 
towards  their  entrance  into  the  Dead  Sea.  If  we  turn 
around,  so  as  to  face  the  North,  we  behold  the  level 
country  lose  itself  in  the  distance.  But  close  at  hand 
appears  the  miserable  village  of  Arab  huts,  which  occu- 
py a  little  space  on  the  site  of  the  ancient  Jericho ;  and- 
several  spots  of  beautiful  vegetation,  sometimes  improv- 
ed into  gardens,  mark  the  course  which  the  streams 
from  Elisha's  Fountain,  a  little  distant,  still  maintain 
through  the  surrounding  barrenness.  If  we  now  cast 
our  eyes  to  the  West,  the  huge,  precipitous  mountain  of 
Quarantania,  at  the  distance  of  only  three  miles,  stands 
full  before  us,  and  hfts  to  heaven  those  naked  cliffs, 
whence,  tradiiion  says,  the  Tempter  showed  our  Sa- 
viour all  the  kingdoms  of  this  world.  Looking  past  the 
southern  side  of  the  mountain,  we  discover,  a  little 
farther  off,  in  the  way  to  Jerusalem,  the  wild  congrega- 
tion of  barren  hills  that  form  the  boundary  of  the  plain. 
Rising  just  behind  the  first  range,  are  seen  tops  of  rifted 
and  shapeless  mountains,  among  whose  deep  and  tre- 
mendous ravines,  lies,  hidden  from  our  view,  the  Desert 
of  the  Temptation.  Far  in  the  rear,  beyond  a  succeed- 
ing tract  of  less  elevation,  and  of  less  sterility,  we 
might  perhaps  descry,  through  some  fortunate  opening, 
the  low,  triple  summits  of  Mount  Olivet,  at  the  distance 
of  eighteen  miles  to  the  southwest,  shutting  out  the  city 
of  Jerusalem  from  the  eastern  prospect. 

As   we  turn  around  to  the  left  from  the  quarter  of 
Mount  Olivet,  with  our  backs  upon  Jericho,  the  eye  still 


ix.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  275 

ranges  along  the  broken  mass  of  hills,  a  few  miles  south- 
ward, where  the  plain  terminates  at  their  bases,  or  is 
invaded  by  their  more  advanced  and  separate  crags. 
Beyond  them  all,  we  catch  the  glympse  of  remoter  em- 
inences appearing  here  and  there  above  the  horizon,  and 
by  their  dismal  whiteness  betraying  the  solitude  and 
decay  which  reign  in  the  interior.  Traversing,  with  a 
sidelong  glance,  the  successive  ridges  down  to  the  left, 
as  they  approach  the  Dead  Sea,  we  perceive  their 
height  gradually  increasing  to  the  very  brink  w^here 
they  suddenly  fall  off,  to  make  room  for  the  bed  of  the 
lake.  The  lake  itself  may  be  seen,  still  farther  around 
to  the  eastward,  coming  up  into  the  limits  of  the  plain ; 
and  nothing  but  an  intervening  promontory  shuts  out, 
from  our  eye,  the  whole  expanse  of  waters  spreading 
southward  to  indiscernible  distance. 

From  our  post  of  observation,  it  is  but  five  or  six 
miles,  over  a  sandy  tract,  to  the  nearest  part  of  the  Dead 
Sea ;  and  if  quitting  the  fields  of  Jericho,  we  now  pro- 
ceed thither,  and  follow  the  shore  down  to  the  South, 
we  come  at  length  to  the  mountainous  border  already 
surveyed.  Here,  w^e  enter  on  a  wide  beach,  which 
runs  the  whole  remaining  length,  perhaps,  of  the  lake, 
between  the  margin  of  the  waves  and  the  lofty  battle- 
ment of  cliffs  on  the  West.  Advancing  along  this  des- 
olate valley,  we  traverse  heaps  of  sand,  and  patches  of 
dry  mud,  covered  thick  with  salt ;  and  sometimes  a 
sohtary  and  stunted  shrub  shakes  the  dust  from  its  scanty 
fohage,  in  the  wind.  On  our  right,  we  see  the  towering 
masses  of  rock  still  bearing  onward,  but  frequently  broken 


276  THE  ANICENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

by  huge  chasms  that  wind  in  many  intricacies  through  their 
heavy  range.  The  dreary  lake  now  spreads  full  before  us, 
to  the  south  ;  but  its  extremity  is  far  beyond  the  reach  of 
the  eye.  To  the  east,  however,  we  see  its  contracted 
breadth,  at  the  distance  of  ten  or  fifteen  miles,  bounded 
by  the  dark,  and  to  appearance,  perpendicular  moun- 
tains of  Arabia,  which  stand  on  the  opposite  shore  like 
a  stupendous  wall.  Not  a  solitary  peak  seems  to  break 
the  uniformity  of  their  continuous  summit  ;  and  we 
merely  perceive  slight  inflections  here  and  there,  as 
though  the  hand  of  the  painter,  who  drew  this  horizontal 
hne  across  the  sky,  had  sometimes  trembled  m  the  bold 
execution. 

After  following  the  wide  strand  or  valley  for  six  or 
eight  miles,  to  the  south,  w^e  may  turn  to  the  right,  and 
seek  our  way  up  the  precipices.  Arrived  at  the  sum- 
mit of  the  range,  the  whole  country,  as  far  as  Mount 
Olivet  in  the  northwest,  the  hills  of  Bethlehem  in  the 
west,  and  those  of  Tekoa  in  the  southwest,  bursts  at 
once  in  desolate  majesty,  upon  our  sight.  Plains  and 
narrower  glens  without  verdure  or  inhabitant,  hills  whose 
aged  rocks  are  themselves  decaying  into  dust,  sharp 
ridges  and  misshapen  points  in  the  distance,  fill  up  the 
scene.  Throughout  a  large  part  of  this  tract,  the  spirit 
of  rehgious  madness,  of  fanatical  seclusion,  might  find 
accommodations  in  the  profound  labyrinths  channelled 
out  between  solid  cliffs,  and  in  numerous  caverns,  some  of 
them  almost  inaccessible.  Even  close  around  the  sum- 
mit on  w^iich  w^e  stand,  we  may  look  down  into  chasms 
that  sink  to  the  very  base. 


ix.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  277 

If  we  look  to  the  North,  the  plain  of  Jericho  appears ; 
if  to  the  South,  the  concourse  of  mountains  stretches 
ofi  beyond  the  outlet  of  the  Cedron,  and  finally  fades 
in  the  prospect  amidst  the  vast  Desert  of  Ruba.  Below 
us,  to  the  West,  extends  a  considerably  wide  plain, 
through  which,  in  ancient  times,  lay  the  rode  from  Jeri- 
cho to  Hebron.  Descending  from  the  heights,  and 
crossing  this  open  space  westwardly,  our  course  runs 
among  little  hillocks  of  chalk  and  sand,  and  some  scat- 
tered patches  of  herbage  ;  till,  at  the  end  of  three  miles, 
we  come  to  the  boundary.  Here  we  begin  to  climb 
through  the  narrow  gorges  of  another  chain  of  moun- 
tains, white,  arid,  and  dusty ;  and  not  a  solitary  shade, 
not  a  plant,  not  even  the  last  effort  of  vegetation,  a  sin- 
gle tuft  of  moss,  meets  the  eye  as  we  proceed.  Four 
or  five  miles,  in  the  same  direction,  brings  us  to  the 
edge  of  the  long,  tremendous  chasm,  through  which,  ia 
the  rainy  season,  gushes  the  torrent  Cedron,  on  its 
southeastward  course  from  Jerusalem  to  the  Dead  Sea. 
Through  a  sudden  opening,  that  city  itself  may  be  des- 
cried, looking  like  a  confused  heap  of  rocks,  nearly  a 
dozen  miles  to  the  northwest ;  and  the  naked  summits 
that  rise  on  every  quarter  above  us,  command  a  pros- 
pect of  the  eastern  lake.  Proceeding,  now,  a  small 
distance  up  the  channel  of  the  Cedron,  we  discover,  in 
its  very  bed,  and  three  or  four  hundred  feet  below  us, 
the  ancient  monastery  of  St.  Sabas,  surrounded  with 
numerous  cells  in  the  precipices,  and  still  occupied  as  a 
convent  '\ 

a  For  the  account  of  this  region,  see  Relandi  Palasstina  Illus- 
trataj  Pococke's  Description  of  the  East,  Vol.  ii.  Part  1.  pp.  30 — 45  j 

24 


273  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

II.  At  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century, 
A.  D.  500.  this  great  solitude  had  long  been  peopled 
with  monks.  Many  Lauras,  or  collections 
of  recluse  cells  and  caverns,  were  prepared  in  different 
quarters,  and  a  number  of  monasteries,  or  regular  con- 
vents, were  erected  in  other  parts.  Of  the  latter  there 
were  several  at  Jerusalem,  at  Bethlehem,  and  at  Jeri- 
cho, besides  those  in  the  desert.  Of  the  form.er,  omit- 
ing  some  whose  position  cannot  be  determined,  we  may 
mention  the  Laura  of  Xenochium  near  Jericho,  that  of 
Pharan  six  miles  from  Jerusalem,  and  that  of  Succa 
not  far,  probably,  from  five  miles  southeast  of  Bethle- 
hem, or  about  two,  northward  of  Tekoa.  But  the 
most  famous  of  all,  even  at  this  period,  was  the  Laura 
of  St.  Sabas,  the  remains  of  which  we  have  just  survey- 
ed. It  wT.s  founded,  less  than  twenty  years  before,  by 
the  distinguished  abbot  of  that  name ;  and  five  or  six 
thousand  monks  had  already  gathered  in  the  deep  chan- 
nel of  the  Cedron,  under  the  protection  of  his  reputed 
miracles  and  sanctity.  A  very  successful  struggle,  of 
more  than  fifty  years,  ag:\inst  every  natural  mode  of 
human  existence,  had  conferred  on  Sabas  a  venerable 
preeminence  over  the  whole  desert ;  and  a  mild  and 
patient  temper  gave  his  authority  a  sort  of  fatherly  cha- 
racter. With  these  quahfications,  it  is  no  wonder  that 
the  scrupulous  exactness  of  his  faith,  the  wretchedness 
of  his  appearance,  and  the  supposed  gifts  of  command- 

Sandys's  Travels,  Book  iii.  Maundrell's  Journey'to  Jerusalem ;  Dr. 
E.  D.  Clark's  Travels  tlirough  Greece,  Egypt  and  the  Holy  Land, 
Chap.  17,  18;  and  Chateaubriand's  Travels,  Part  iii.  Several  strik- 
ing hints  may  be  gathered  from  Cyrilli  Scythopolitani  Vita  S.  SabjB, 
Inter  Coteleri   Men.  Eccl.  Grsecoe  Tom.  iii. 


ix.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  279 

ing  rain  from  heaven,  and  of  shutting  the  mouths  of  wild 
beasts,  should  make  him  known  abroad,  in  that  age,  as 
"  the  light  and  ornament  of  all  Palestine." 

But  between  the  years  501  and  506,  an 
A.  D.  501,  old^  difficulty  was  renewed  in  the  midst  of 
—  506.  his  own  Laura.  Forty  of  his  monks  be- 
came greatly  dissatisfied ;  and  he,  nvho 
seldom  contended  with  opposition,  left  the  place  and 
retired  to  a  cave  near  Scythopohs.  After  a  while  he 
returned ;  but  finding  the  number  of  malecontents  in- 
creased now^  to  sixty,  and  grown  utterly  irreconcileable, 
he  again  departed.  This  sudden  and  unexpected  ab- 
sence gave  his  enemies  occasion  to  flatter  themselves, 
at  least  to  report,  that  he  was  devoured  by  wild  beasts  ; 
and  going  to  Jerusalem,  they  entreated  Elias,  the  bishop 
of  that  city,  to  appoint  them  another  abbot.  Their 
report,  however,  did  not  gain  credit,  nor  their  request, 
a  favorable  hearing  ;  and  Elias  was  by  no  means  disap- 
pointed, when,  some  time  afterwards,  he  beheld  Sabas 
himself,  with  several  disciples  from  his  new  retirement, 
enter  the  Holy  City,  on  the  anniversary  festival  of  the 
Dedication  of  the  Temple.  The  bishop  solemnly  ad- 
jured him  to  return  to  his  Laura,  and  wrote  a  le>tter  to 
the  monks  there,  commanding  them  to  receive  him  with 
honors,  and  submit  to  his  authority.  But  when  Sabas 
arrived  and  produced  the  letter  in  public,  the  disaffect- 
ed rose  in  rebellion,  assailed  one  of  the  buildings  in 
their  wrath,  and  overthrew  it  into  the  torrent.  The 
rioters,  to  the  number  of  sixty,  then  took  their  course 

b  Vit,  Sabse  cap.  19. 


280  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

over  the  hills,  southwestwardly,  to  the  Laura  of  Succa, 
about  eight  or  ten  miles  distant^.  Applying  there  in 
vain  for  admittance,  they  turned  to  the  southeast,  and 
pursued  their  way,  in  this  direction,  for  two  or  three 
miles,  when  they  entered  the  deep  valley  under  the 
southern  side  of  the  hill  on  which  stood  the  ruined  vil- 
lage of  Tekoa.  Here,  finding  a  little  w'ater,  and  some 
old  forsaken  cells,  they  took  up  their  abode,  and  called 
the  place  Nova  Laura,  or  the  New  Laura.  Having  no 
church,  they  were  obliged,  for  a  while,  to  hold  their  pub- 
lic exercises  in  an  old  one  at  Tekoa,  dedicated  to  the 
prophet  Amos,  an  inhabitant  of  this  village^.  Sabas, 
however,  soon  obtained  information  of  the  place  of  their 
retreat,  visited  them  with  necessary  supplies  ;  and  pro- 
curing afterwards   from   Elias  at  Jerusalem,  a   sum  of 

gold  for  the  purpose,  built  them  a  church, 
A.  D.  507.     and  dedicated  it  in  A.  D.  507.     His  care 

and  beneficence  seemed  to  reconcile  them  ; 
and  they  allowed  him  to  place  over  their  Laura  a  Su- 
perior, who  governed  it  in  quiet  for  seven  years^. 

in.  On  the  death  of  this  overseer,  his 
A.  D.  514.     successor  admitted,  through  ignorance  it  is 

said,  four  Origenists  ;  of  whom  the  chief 
were  Nonnus,  whose  earlier  history  is  entirely  unknown, 

i;  The  Laura  of  Sncca  was  not  for  from  Tekoa,  eilhcr  to  the  North 
or  to  the  South  ;  (compare  Vit.  Sabce  cap-  36,  with  Vit.  Cyriaci,- inter 
Cotelerii  Mon.  Eccl,  Grseca^  Tom.  iv.  pp.  117,  118.)  but  in  which  of 
these  directions,  cannot  be  determined.  The  fnm  of  the  expression, 
however,  in  Vit.  Sabos,  seems  to  intimate  that  it  was  towards  the 
Laura  of  Sabas  from  Tekoa  ;  and  according  to  Pococke  (Vol.  ii.  Part 
i.  pp.  41.  42.)  the  ravines  between  Tekoa  and  the  Mountain  of  the 
Franks,  offered  choice  situations  for  a  Laura.  Mr.  Fisk  (Missionary 
Herald,  Vol.  xxi.  No.  3.  p.  G7.)  saw  many  caves  and  some  ruins  in 
this  place.  d  Amos  i.  1.  e  Vit.  Saboe  cap.  33 — 36 


ix.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  281 

and  one  Leontius  of  Byzantium,  or  Constantinople. 
Their  distinguishing  tenet  appears  to  have  been  the 
Pre-existence  of  human  souls  ;  but  to  this,  it  seems,  we 
must  add  that  of  Universal  Restoration^.  Both  these 
opinions,  however,  remained  undiscovered,  at  least  un- 
reproved,  for  about  six  months  ;  when  a  new  Superior, 
the  third  in  succession,  being  appointed  at  Nova  Laura, 
soon  detected  the  alarming  doctrine,  and  by  the  autho- 
rity of  Elias  of  Jerusalem,  expelled  the  believers.  These 
retired  to  other  parts  of  the   country  and   propagated 

their  sentiments  in  silence.  Two  or  three 
A.  D.  517.     years  afterwards,  Elias  himself  was  deposed 

amid  some  of  the  ecclesiastical  revolutions 
which-,  in  the  East,  yet  followed  the  Nestorian  contro- 
versy of  the  preceding   century ;   and  when  John  suc- 

f  That  Nonnus  and  Lecntius  were  Universal ists  is  not  absolutely 
certain,  thougli  very  probable.  I  here  subjoin  the  best  evidence  I 
have  found  of  the  fact:  1.  SymeOn  Metaphrastes,  a  Greek  writer  of 
the  tenth  century,  who  recomposed  the  lives  of  the  saints  from  the 
original  documents,  but  who  is  by  no  means  indisputable  authority, 
adduces,  in  his  Life  oi  Cyriacus,  (Cotelerii  Mon.  Eccl.  Grsecse  Tom. 
iv.  pp.  117,  118.)  the  testimony  of  Cyrill  of  Scythopolis,  a  credible 
witness,  that  Nonnus  and  Leontius  avowed  the  doctrines  of  Pre- 
existence  and  Universal  Restoration,  2.  Cyrill  himself,  who  by  the 
way,  was  a  monk  of  Subas's  Laura,  and  a  cotemporary  of  Nonnus 
and  Leontius,  invariably  represents  them  as  teaching  Pre-existence; 
and  he  also  says  (Vit.  Sabce  cap.  36,)  that  they  derived  it  from  Origen,, 
Evagrius  and  Didymus.  Now,  in  the  doctrine  of  these  fathers  the 
two  notions  of  Pre-existence  and  Restoration  were  so  insepara- 
bly connected,  as  the  beginning  and  end  of  their  system,  that  who- 
ever followed  them  in  one,  could  hardly  avoid  adopting  the  other. 
3.  Domitian,  archbishop  of  Galatia,  a  convert  and  patron  of  Nonnus 
and  Leontius,  was  certainly  an  advocate  of  both  these  notions;  (Fa- 
cundi  Hermionensis  Dofens.  Trium  Capit.  inter  Sirmondi  Opp. 
Tom.  ii.  pp.  384,  385,)  and  Facundus,  a  cotenporary,  observes  that  it 
was  particularly  on  account  of  these  tenets  that  his  party  was  ac- 
cused. Several  other  circumstances  might  be  mentioned  in  favor  of 
their  Universalism ;  and  nothing,  so  far  as  I  know,  can  be  found  to 
thecontrar3^ 

24* 


282  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Ch  a 

ceeded  to  the  bishopric  of  Jerusalem,  the  Origenists 
came  and  asked  to  be  restored  to  their  Laura.  But  he 
being  informed  by  Sabas  of  their  heresy,  denied  their 
request.  Leontius,  indeed,  was  received,  at  length,  into 
the  Great  Laura  of  Sabas  himself;  but  the  moment  he 
became  known,  the  aged  father  drove  him  away. 

Better  fortune,  however,  awaited  the  outcasts  :    Not 
many  years    afterwards,    one    Mamas,    on  succeeding 
to  the  care  of  Nova  Laura,   admitted,  it  seems  without 
hesitation^,  Nonnus,  Leontius,  and  their  party  to  the  cor- 
dial fellowship  of  the  brotherhood.      There    followed 
such  an  increase  of  Origenism  in  tire  country,  as  to  pro- 
duce considerable  uneasiness  ;  and  an  opportunity  soon 
offered  of  introducing  the  affair  to   the  attention  of  the 
ambitiously  orthodox  emperor  Justinian  :    Some  public 
grievances  rendering  it  necessary  to  send  an  agent  to  the 
court  of  Constantinople,  the  bishops  of  Palestine  unan- 
imously deputed   Sabas,  whose   sanctity  had   long  been 
venerated  in  the  imperial  palace,  and  known  throughout 
all  the  east.     He   accordingly  visited  the   capital;    and 
having  accomplished  his  business,  was  about 
A.  D.  53 L     to  take  his  leave,  when  the  doting  emperor 
humbly  asked  what  revenues  he  should  be- 
stow on  the  monasteries  and  Lauras  of  the  desert,  in  or- 
der to  secure  their  prayers   for  himself  and  his  govern- 
ment.   '  Grant  the  petitions  that  I  have  brought,'  replied 
the  abbot,   *  and  in  recompense  God  will  add  to  your  do- 
'  minions,  Africa,  Rome,  and  the  whole   of  the  western 

e  Cyrill  says  (Vita  Sabse.)  that  Mamas  did  not  know  their  senti- 
ments; but  how  could  he  be  ignorant  after  the  previous  disturban- 
ces? 


ix.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  283 

'  empire  :  upon  one  condition,  however,  that  you  deliv- 
'  er  the  churches  from  the  three  heresies  of  Ariiis,  Nes- 
*  torius,  and  Origen.'  The  obedient  emperor  loaded 
him  with  gifts,  promised  whatever  he  desired,  and  ana- 
thematized those  heresies  ;  but  whether  he  then  issued 
any  special  decree  against  them,  does  not  appear  ^. 

IV.  Sabas  died  at  his  Laura,  in  the  end 
A.  D.  532.  of  the  year  531,  soon  after  his  return  from 
Constantinople  ;  and  the  Origenists  of  No- 
va Laura,  feeling  themselves  reheved-  from  the  oppres- 
sion of  his  great  authority,  began  to  propagate  their  doc- 
trine, with  less  reserve.  Their  success  was,  if  possible, 
more  than  proportioned  to  their  zeal :  in  a  short  time 
they  converted  all  the  most  learned  in  their  own  cells, 
placed  their  partizans  over  some  of  the  neighboring  mo- 
nasteries, spread  their  opinions  through  several  large 
communities  of  monks  in  the  desert,  and  established 
them  even  in  the  Great  Laura  of  Sabas. 

Among  their  adherents,  perhaps  among  the  new  con- 
verts, were  two  individuals,  introduced  now  for  the  first 
time  to  our  notice,  vi^ho  afterwards  rose  to  considerable 
eminence,  and  bore  a  distinguished  part  in  the  ecclesias- 
tical history  of  the  period.^  Domitian  was  abbot  of  a 
monastery  in  the  desert ;  and  Theodorus  Ascidas  was 
deacon,  or  one  of  the  principal  officers,  of  Nova  Laura. 
Both  were  Origenists  ;  both,  probably  Universalists. 
Such,  at  least,  did   Domitian   avow  himself'.     Going, 

h  Vit.  Sabae  cap.  36;  and  70—74.     Fleury's  Eccl.  History,   book 
xxxiii.  ehap.  3.  >  Faciindus,a  cotemporary  author,  says  (Defens. 

Triura  Capitul.  Lib.  iv.  cap.  4,  inter  Sirmondi  Opp.  Tom.  ii.  pp.  334. 


284  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  fChar. 

about  this  time,  to  Constantinople,  they  were  accompa- 
nied by  Nonniis  and  Leontiiis  ;  and  through  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  latter,  who  seems  to  have  had  some 
influence  in  his  native  city,  our  two  adventurers  obtained 
the  patronage  of  Eusebius,  a  favorite  bishop  at  court.  By 
his  means  they  were  then  introduced  to  the  emperor 
himself;  and  concealing  their  sentiments  and  peculiar  at- 
tachments, they  so  far  won  the  partiality  of  Justinian, 
that  he  placed  them  over  two  extensive  bishoprics  in 
Asia  Minor.  Domitian  was  elevated  to  that  of  Galatia, 
and  immediately  ordained  at  its  metropolitan  city,  Ancy- 
ra  ;  Theodorus  Ascidas,  at  Cesarea,  in  the  large  and 
influential  see  of  Cappadocia,  was  seated  on  the  same 
Episcopal  throne  which  had  been  honored  by  the  an- 
cient, and  perhaps  more  worthy  fathers,  Firmilian,  and 
Basil  the  Great.  Neither  of  the  new  prelates,  it  would 
seem,  spent  much  of  their  time  in  their  respective  di- 
ocesses  ;  but  following  the  fashion  of  that  age,  resorted, 
among  a  crowd  of  other  bishops,  to  the  court  of  Con- 
stantinople, and  there  engaged  in  the  intrigues  of  the 
palace  and  of  the  church.  Theodorus  long  maintained 
a  considerable   ascendancy  over  the  measures,  though 


385,)  "Domitian,  form^rlv  bishop  of  Ancyra  in  Galatii,  writing  a 
"book  to  Pope  Vigiliiis,  complained  of  those  v/iio  confradictod  the  doc- 
''  trine  of  Origen,  thtt  hunuin  souls  existed  before  tlie  body  in  a  cer- 
''tain  happy  state,  and  tliat  all  who  are  consigned  to  everlasting  tor- 
''ments  shall  b(;  restored,  together  with  the  devil  and  Jiis  angels,  to 
''  their  primeval  blessedness.  Domitian  also  asserts  that  'theylmve  even 
'' anathemniizcd  the  7nflst  holy  and  renoioned  doctors,  on  a-coiint  of  those 
*'  thi7io;s  ivhicJt  were  agitated  in  favor  of  Pre-existnice,  and  U  lirersal  Res- 
"  toration.  This  they  hare  done  under  pretence  of  condemning  Ongen ;  but 
"  in  reality,  condenmin'r  all  the  saints  irJw  were  before  him,  and  who  have 
'*  been  afti-r  him."  Tais  book  of  Domitian  was  written,  probably,  about 
the  year  546,  or  a  little  after. 


ix  ]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  285 

not  over  the  faith  of  the  royal  polemic  himself,  and  fre- 
quently perverted  the  imperial  authority,  to  the  promo- 
tion of  such  objects,  as,  if  discovered,  would  have  been 
instantly  condemned.  Amidst  the  honors  to  which  he 
had  been  advanced,  and  the  splendor  with  which  he  was 
surrounded,  he  did  not  forget  his  old  associates  in  the 
solitude  of  Palestine,  but  continued  to  exert,  in  their  be- 
half, al  1  the  influence  he  dared  to  employ  in  such  a 
cause.  Nor  were  they,  on  their  part,  unconscious  of 
the  increased  advantages  they  might  derive  from  the 
countenance,  however  cautiously  granted,  of  two  pow- 
erful friends  at  court.  Emboldened  by  the  patronage, 
and  encouraged  by  their  good  fortune,  the  Origenists 
labored  with  redoubled  energy,  and  in  a  short  time  suc- 
ceeded in  difKising  their  doctrine  through  the  whole  of 
Palestine  ;  an  undertaking  which  was  the  more  readily 
accomplished  on  account  of  the  former  prev-alence  of 
Origenism  in  the  country  J. 

V.  About  five  years  after  the  death  of  Sabas.  his 
second  successor  Gelasius, .  on  being  elected  over  the 
Great  Laura,  determined  to  check  the  prevailing  here- 
sy among  his  own  flock  ;  and  to  this  end  he  consulted 
a  few  of  his  yet  orthodox  brethren,  and  appointed  the 
Treatise  of  Antipater  of  Bostra  against  Origen,  to  be 
read   publicly  in  the  church.     But  this   indignity  only 

provoked  a  disturbance  ;  and  Gelasius  soon 
A.  D.  537.     found  it  necessary  in  prosecuting  his  scheme 

to   expel    some  of  the  leaders    of  the  op- 
position, among  whom  was  one  of  his  deacons.     It  was 

j  Vit.    Sabse  cap.  77—83. 


286      •  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

too  late,  however,  for  violent  measures  ;  the  expulsion 
of  their  leaders  roused  the  spirit  of  the  rest,  and  forty 
others  weie  soon  afterwards  driven  away.  The  out- 
casts repaired  immediately  to  Nova  Laura,  where  they 
enjoyed  the  protection  of  Nonnus,  Leontius  and  their 
brethren,  and  assisted  in  propagating  their  faith  among 
the  various  monasteries  in  the  neighborhood''.  The 
next  year,  Eusebius,  the  episcopal  courtier  who  had 
introduced  Domitian  and  Theodorus  to  Jus- 
A.  D.  538.  tinian,  happened  at  Jerusalem  ;  and  Leon- 
tius, in  company  with  the  outcasts  from  the 
Great  Laura,  embraced  the  fortunate  opportunity  to 
carry  before  him  a  complaint  against  the  Abbot,  for 
their  expulsion.  The  haughty  bishop,  a  favorite  of  the 
court,  assumed  the  seat  of  judgment;  and  sending  for 
Gelasius,  ordered  him  either  to  receive  the  Origenists, 
or  else  to  expell  their  accusers.  The  timid,  or  per- 
haps politic  Abbot  returned,  upon  this,  to  the  Laura  of 
Sabas,  chose  the  latter  alternative  ;  and  probably  with 
their  consent,  dismissed  six  of  his  orthodox  monks. 
These,  however,  went  directly  to  Antioch,  related  to 
Ephraim,  the  powerful  archbishop  of  that  city,  the  af- 
fair of  Origenism  in  Palestine,  and  showed  him  the 
books  of  Antipater  of  Bostra  against  the  doctrine. 
Ephraim  immediately  called  a  provincial  Synod  at  An- 
tioch, and  procured,  for  the  first  time  since  the  days  of 
Theophilus  and  Jerome,  an  anathema  against  the  heresy  ; 
but  on  what  particular  points,  is  unknown. 

k  Cyrill's  story  (Vit.  Sabre  cap.  84-.)  of  llieir  lioslile  expedition  for  the 
purpose  of  destroying-  the  Great  Laura,  of  the  supernatural  darkness  which 
blinded  and  misled  them  so  that  they  could  not  lind  tbc  well-known  place, 
&c.  is  incredil)le,  unless  we  admit,  with  him,  the  miraculous  interference  of 
the  deceased  Sabas. 


ix.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  287 

When  the  news  of  this  procedure  reached  Palestine, 
tlie  Origenists  were,  of  course,  alarmed.  Leontius  had 
sailed  for  Constantinople ;  but  Nonnus  went  to  Peter, 
tlie  present  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  and  importuned  him  to 
erase  the  name  of  Ephraim  from  the  sacred  Diptychs, 
or  official  Registers  of  bishops  in  fellowship  and  com- 
munion. Leontius  at  Constantinople  also  exerted  his 
influence  to  procure  the  excommunication  of  the  arch- 
bishop of  Antioch;  and  Domitian  and  Theodorus  strove 
to  compel  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem  to  execute  the 
proposed  measure.  Already  was  there  a  strong  disaf- 
fection against  Peter,  among  the  monks  of  the  Desert ; 
and  to  screen  himself  from  the  indignation  which,  it  was 
easy  to  foretell,  the  course  he  had  adopted  would 
arouse,  he  contrived  to  procure  some  of  the  orthodox 
Abbots  to  write  a  tract  against  Origenism,  and  in  favof 
of  Ephraim  of  Antioch.  This  was,  accordingly,  com- 
posed, and  presented  to  him  ;  and  Peter  immediately 
directed  it,  together  with  some  writings  of  his  ow^n, 
pointing  out  the  heresies  and  the  disorders  of  the  Ori- 
genists, to  the  emperor  Justinian  at  Constantinople. 
The  monks  w^ho  were  entrusted  with  these  documents, 
arrived  at  the  imperial  city,  attached  themselves  to  the 
deacon  Pelagius,  Legate  from  the  Pope  of  Rome, 
and  an  enemy  to  Theodorus ;  and,  by  their  united 
exertions,  soon  succeeded  in  laying  the  matter  in  form 
before  the  emperor  K 

VL  Justinian,  who  had  now  sat  about  a  dozen  years 
on  the  throne  of  the  eastern  empire,  was  one  of  the  few 

1  Vit.  Sabffi  cap.  85.     And  Fleury's  Eccl.  Hist,  Book  xxxiii^  Chap.  3,  4. 


288  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

sovereigns  whose  ruling  ambition  has  been  to  shine  in 
theological  disputes,  and  to  acquire,  by  superior  ortho- 
doxy and  austere  mortifications,  the  proud  epithet  of 
The  Pious.  Nothing  could  be  more  gratifying  than 
this  reference  of  the  affair  of  Origenism  to  his  judgment 
and  decision.  He  lost  no  time,  therefore,  in  order- 
ing a  long  Edict  to  be  drawn  up,  addressed  to  Mennas, 

archbishop  of  Constantinople,  and  pubhshed 

A.  D.  539,     as  early  as  the  year  540.     "We  are  told," 

—    540.     says    he,   "  of  some  who  not   having  the 

"  fear  of  God  before  their  eyes,  have  for- 
"  saken  the  truth,  without  which  there  is  no  salvation, 
"  and  departed  from  the  doctrine  of  the  scriptures  and 
"  of  the  Cathohc  fathers,  by  adhering  to  Origen,  and 
"  maintahiing  his  impious  notions,  which  are  hke  those 
"  of  the  Arians,  Manicheans,  and  other  heretics."  He 
then  proceeds  to  recount,  in  a  formal  catalogue,  and 
under  six  heads,  the  errors  attributed  to  Origen  :  "1. 
"  That  the  Father  is  greater  than  the  Son,  and  the  Son 
"  greater  than  the  Holy  Ghost,  as  the  Holy  Ghost  is 
"  superior  to  other  spirits  ;  and  that  the  Son  cannot  be- 
"  hold  the  Father,  nor  the  Holy  Ghost  see  the  Son. 
"2.  That  the  power  of  God  is  limited,  because  he  can 
"  create  and  govern  only  a  certain  number  of  souls,  and 
"  a  certain  quantity  of  matter  ;  that  every  species  of 
"  being  was  coeternal  with  the  Deity ;  that  there  have 
"  already  been,  and  that  there  will  hereafter  be,  several 
"  worlds  in  succession,  so  that  the  Creator  has  never 
"  been  without  creatures.  3.  That  rational  spirits  were 
"  clothed  with  bodies,  only  for  their  punishment ;  and 
"  that  the  souls  of  men,  in  particular,  were  at  first  pure 


ix  ]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  289 

"  and  holy  intelligences,  who  becoming  weary  of  divine 
"  contemplation,  and  inclining  to  evil,  were  confined  in 
•'*  earthly  bodies,  as  a  retribution  and  chastisement  for 
"  their  former  follies.  4.  That  the  Sun,  the  Moon,  the 
"  Stars,  and  the  Waters  above  the  heavens,  are  animated 
"  and  rational  creatures.  5.  That  in  the  resurrection 
*'  human  bodies  ^\-ill  be  changed  into  a  spherical  shape. 
"6.  That  wicked  men  and  devils  will  at  length  be  dis- 
"  charged  from  their  torments,  and  re-estabhshed  in 
"  their  original  state."  Each  of  these  six  errors,  Jus- 
tinian attempts  to  refute  by  authorities  from  the  scrip- 
tures, and  from  the  fathers ;  but  he  directs  his  labors 
more  particularly  against  the  third,  concerning  Pre- 
existence,  and  against  the  sixth,  concerning  the  Resto- 
ration. Then,  addressing  Mennas,  he  adds,  "  we 
"  therefore  exhort  you  to  assemble  all  the  bishops  and 
"  abbots  of  Constantinople,  and  oblige  them  to  anathe- 
"  matize  in  writing  the  impious  Origen  AdamantiuSj 
"  together  with  his  abominable  doctrines,  and  especially 
"  the  articles  we  have  pointed  out.  Send  copies  of 
"  what  shall  be  transacted,  to  all  other  bishops  and 
"  to  all  superiors  of  monasteries,  that  they  may  follow 
"  the  example;  and  for  the  future  let  there  be  no  bishops, 
"  nor  abbots  ordained,  who  do  not  first  condemn  Origen, 
"  and  all  other  heretics,  according  to  custom.  We  have 
"  already  WTitten  thus  to  Pope  Vigilius,  and  to  the  rest  of 
"  the  Patriarchs."  After  a  collection  of  heretical  extracts 
from  the  books  of  Origen,  the  emperor  subjoins  nine  ana- 
themas :  six,  against  the  forementioned  errors  ;  and  three 
against  the  following  on  the  Incarnation.  "  1,  That  the 
"  human  soul  of  Jesus  Christ  existed  long  before  it 
25 


290  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

"  was  united  to  the  Word  ;  2,  that  his  body  was  formed, 
"  in  the  Virgin,  before  its  union  either  with  the  Word, 
"  or  with  his  own  soul ;  and  3,  that  he  will,  hereafter, 
"  be  crucified  for  the  salvation  of  the  devils."  To 
conclude,  their  is  a  tenth  anathema  against  tlie  person 
of  Origen  and  against  those  of  his  followers  ™. 

This  sweeping  decree,  which  aimed  full  against  Uni- 
versalism,  went  forth,  of  course,  as  a  law  of  the  realm ; 
and  Justinian's  ambition  to  shine  in  the  church  conspired 
with  his  natural  jealousy  as  a  sovereign,  to  see  that  his 
orders  were  rigidly  enforced.  Accordingly,  the  bishops 
then  residing  at  Constantinople,  were  immediately  as- 
sembled in  council,  by  the  patriarch  Mennas,  to  subscribe 
the  Edict ;  and  soon  afterwards.  Pope  Vigilius  at  Rome, 
Zoilus  on  the  archie [)iscopal  throne  of  Alexandria, 
Ephraim  at  Antioch,  and  Peter  at  Jerusalem,  obeyed 
the  mandate  and  followed  the  example.  Even  Domi- 
tian  of  Ancyra  and  Theodorus  of  Cappadocia,  though 
favorites,  were  obliged  to  yield  to  the  imperial  command; 
and  rather  than  suffer  expulsion,  they  affixed  their 
names  to  the  anathemas  which  condemned  some  of  theip 
own  sentiments  ". 

VII.   In   Palestine,  however,  there  were 

A.  D.  540,     some  bold  and  determined  enough  to  with- 

to  546.       stand  the  emperor's  authority.     Alexander, 

bishop  of  Abyla°,  who  is  known  only  by  the 

m  See  Du  Pin's  Biblioth.  Pat.  Vol.  v.  Art.  Hist,  of  Fifth  Gen. 
Council,  And  Fleiiry's  Eccl.  Hist.  Book  xxxiii.  chap,  4.  I  know 
not  where  to  look  for  an  entire  copy  of  this  very  important  docu- 
ment, Justinian's  Edict  to  Mennas,  except  in  Harduin's  Concilia, 
Tom.  iii.  p.  243;  and  this  valuable  collection  is  out  of  my  reach. 

n  Fleury's  Eccl,  Hist.  Book  xxxiii.  ch.  4.  And  Du  Pin's  Biblioth, 
Patrum  Vol,  v.  Art.  Hist,  of  Fifth  Gen.  Council.  o  There  were 


ix.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  291 

part  he  bore  in  this  affair,  refused  to  subscribe  the  decree ; 
and  Nonnus,  together  with  his  party  in  general,  remained 
faithful  to  their  cause,  at  the  expense  of  exclusion  from 
tlie  catholic  communion,  and  of  banishment  from  Nova 
Laura.  But  their  powerful  patron,  Theodorus  of  Cap- 
padocia,  soon  heard  of  their  treatment;  and  sending 
for  certain  agents  from  the  church  of  Jerusalem  who 
resided  at  Constantinople,  he  angrily  threatened  to 
deprive  their  bishop,  Peter,  of  his  See,  unless  he  should 
give  satisfaction  to  the  outcasts,  and  restore  them  to 
their  former  standing.  At  the  same  time  he  sent  to 
Nonnus  and  his  adherents,  advising  them  to  propose  to 
tlieir  bishop  a  sort  of  compromise,  in  which  he  should 
only  pronounce  some  indefinite  form  of  words,  annulling, 
in  general  terms,  all  anathemas  which  were  not  agreeable 
to  the  will  of  God.  As  the  real  and  manifest  intent,  how- 
ever, of  this  equivocal  formality,  was  to  imply  a  censure 
of  the  emperor's  late  Edict,  Peter  at  first  refused  ;  but 
fearing  the  dangerous  influence  of  Theodorus  at  court, 
he  at  length  privately  pronounced  the  sentence,  re- 
admitted the  Origenists  into  their  Laura,  and  finally 
appointed  two  of  their  leading  members  his  suffragans, 
or  bishops  in  immediate  attendance  on  his  person. 
Emboldened  by  the  success  of  this  attempt,  the  parti- 
zans  of  Nonnus  did  not  hesitate  openly  to  preach  their 
doctrine  from  house  to  house  ;  and  it  would  have  been 
honorable  to  them  had  they  proceeded  no  farther.  But 
remembering  with  resentment  the  indignities  they  had 

several  cities  or  villages,  by  the  name  of  Abyla,  or  Abila,  in  the 
northern  part  of  Palestine  (See  Relandi  Falsest  Illust.5)  and  this  was 
probably  one  of  them. 


292  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

suffered  from  the  orthodox,  they  unhappily  turned  back 
upon  them  the  tide  of  contempt  and  abuse.  Disputes 
and  violent  altercations  were  quickly  succeeded  by 
stripes,  which  fell,  of  course,  on  the  catholic  or  weaker 
party  ;  and  it  soon  became  unsafe  for  them  to  appear 
abroad,  especially  in  the  city  of  Jerusalem.  Finding 
their  numbers  unequal  to  the  quarrel,  they  procured  a 
reinforcement  of  a  savage  race  of  monks  from  the  banks 
of  the  Jordan.  When  these  arrived  at  the  Holy  City, 
and  joined  the  orthodox  host,  an  engagement  ensued  ; 
but  the  Origenists  succeeded  at  last  in  putting  them 
all  to  flight,  and  in  driving  them  as  far  as  the  great 
Laura  of  Sabas.  Here,  the  vanquished  retreated  into 
a  fortified  place,  and  their  pursuers  were,  in  their  turn, 
obliged  to  fly,  after  one  of  the  most  valorous  of  their 
enemies  had  fallen,  the  only  victim  of  the  combat. 

The  pubhc  had  long  been  too  familiar  with  scenes  of 
this  shameful  character,  to  regard  them  with  that  abhor- 
rence they  merited  ;  and  it  was  probably  the  urgent 
motive  of  self-preservation  alone,  which  induced  the 
remnant  of  the  orthodox,  on  the  present  exigency,  to 
seek  the  prevention  of  these  disorders.  Accordingly, 
Gelssius,  the  Abbot  of  the  great  Laura,  set  out  on  a 
journey  to  Constantinople,  in  order  to  lay  the  aflair 
before  Justinian.  But  Theodorus  of  Cappadocia,  hav- 
ing notice  of  his  arrival,  contrived  to  prevent  all  access 
to  the  emperor,  so  that  after  several  ineffectual  attempts, 
Gelasius  was  obliged  to  depart  without  accomplishing 
his  purpose.  Returning  towards  Palestine,  he  died  at 
a  small  city  in  Phrygia  ;  and  with  him  expired,  for  a 
season,  the  hopes  of  the  orthodox  party  in  the   Desert 


ix.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM,  293 

of  Judea.  For  when  the  monks  of  the  great  Laura 
went  to  Jerusalem  to  ask  the  appointment  of  a  new 
Abbot,  the  suffragans  of  Peter,  imitathig  the  cunning 
of  Theodorus,  drove  them  away  ;  and  immediately  all 
the  monastic  communities  in  that  region,  yielding  to  the 
strong,  popular  current,  were  carried  over,  by  flattery 
or  by  fear,  to  the  side  of  Origenism.  Even  the  great 
Laura  itself  submitted,  soon  afterwards,  to  an  Abbot 
appointed  by  the  dominant  party  ;  and  the  few  ortho- 
dox leaders  in  the  place  forsook  their  long  venerated 
cells,  and  sought  other  retreats.  But  the  very  day  on 
which  the  triumphant  Origenists  saw  the  feeble  remnant 
of  their  opposers  retire,  called  them  also  to   mourn  the 

sudden  and  unexpected  death  of  Nonnus 
A.  D.  546.     at  Nova  Laura.     This  loss  was  the  more 

severely  felt,  as  Leontius,  the  other  chief 
of  the  party,  had  died,  a  year  or  two  before,  at  Con- 
stantinople. What  was  the  real  character  of  these  two 
individuals,  and  what  their  abilities,  we  have  no  satis- 
factory means  to  ascertain.  That  they  had  considerable 
influence  among  tlie  monks,  is  fully  evident ;  and  that 
they  were  feared  and  hated  by  their  opposers,  is  certain.. 
Should  we  judge  of  them,  however,  by  their  cotempora- 
ries,  we  could  boast  nehher  of  their  intelligence,  nor  of 
their  peaceable  and  christian  temper.  IS  onnus  had  the 
satisfaction  of  leaving  their  cause,  though  proscribed  bj 
tlie  government,  in  a  very  prosperous  condition  through- 
out Palestine.  At  the  great  Laura  of  Sabas,  however, 
the  orthodox  regained  an  ascendancy,  seven  months 
after  his  death,  and  appointed  a  new  Abbot ;  who  was 
succeeded,  in  less  than  a  year,  by  Conon,  another  of 

25* 


294  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

their  most  enterprizing  leaders.  The  loss  of  this  im- 
portant place  seemed,  soon  afterwards,  more  than  made 
up  to  the  Origenists,  by  a  fortunate  acquisition  on  their 
part :  Peter,  who  had  always  opposed  them, 
A.  D.  547.  died  about  this  time  ;  and  by  their  influ- 
ence, their  friend,  Macarius,  was  chosen 
his  successor  in  the  bishopric  of  Jerusalem.  But  their 
affairs  remained,  for  five  or  six  years,  unstable  and  fluc- 
tuating in  the  country.  A  sedition  followed  the  elec- 
tion of  the  new  prelate  ;  and  Justinian  commanded 
him  to  be  expelled  from  his  See.  What  was  still  more 
injurious  to  their  interests,  the  Origenists  themselves 
had  abused  their  success  and  suffered  prosperity  to 
cherish  a  factious  spirit,  which  divided  thera,  on  some 
trivial  question,  into  hostile  parties  ^\ 

VJII.  Meanwhile,  an  artful  plot  was  con- 
A.  D.  546,  trived  and  put  in  execution,  at  Constanti- 
to  553.  nople  ;  the  pardculars  of  wdiich  it  is  neces- 
sary to  relate,  although  they  have  no  other 
bearing  on  the  doctrine  of  Universal  Salvation,  than  as 
they  led  eventually,  to  the  assembling  of  the  Fifth  Gen- 
eral Council.  Theodorus  of  Cappadocia  had  not  for- 
gotten the  malicious  interference  of  Pelagius,  in  procur- 
ing the  late  imperial  Edict  against  Origen  and  his  doc- 
trines ;  and  he  resolved  to  retaliate  upon  his  enemy, 
by  taking  advantage  of  some  unsettled  affairs  in  the  old 
Nestorian  controversy.  He  happened  to  belong  to  a 
party  that  hated  the  memory  of  the  General  Council  of 
Chalcedon,    held  in  the  middle   of  the   last  century ; 

p  Vit.  Sabae  cap.  86—90.  Flcury's  Eccl.  Hist.  Book  x.wiii.  ch.  20.  40. 


ix.]  OF  UiVlVERSALISM.  295 

while  the  Roman  Legate,  on  the  contrary,  zealously 
supported  its  authority  and  cherished  its  reputation.  To 
impair  its  credit,  and  to  vex  its  advocates,  Theodorus 
contrived  to  procure  the  condemnation  of  some  of  the 
fathers  whom  it  had  approved.  Among  those  of  this 
class,  he  found  the  name  of  Theodorus  of  Mopsuestia  ; 
and  ignorant,  probably,  that  he  had  been^  in  his  day,  a 
Universalist,  and  knowing  only  that  he  was  celebrated 
as  an  opposer  of  Origen,  he  thought  that  by  anathema- 
tizing him,  he  should  accomplish,  at  once,  two  impor- 
tant o!)jects  :  that  of  avengmg,  in  some  degree,  tlie  late 
indignities  inflicted  on  the  memory  of  his  own  master; 
and  that  also  of  bringing  disgrace  on  the  obnoxious 
council. 

Accordingly,  he  cautiously  suggested  to  his  patron, 
the  emperor,  that  he  might  easily  efl:ect  a  work  in  which 
he  was  laboriously  engaged,  the  reconciliation  of  a  cer- 
tain party  in  the  church,  merely  by  condemning  Theo- 
dorus of  Mopsuestia,  Theodoret  of  Cyrus,  and  Ibas  of 
Edessa,  together  with  the  writings  they  had  left  in  favor 
of  Nestorianism.  Justinian  had  not  sufficient  penetra- 
tion to  discover  the  subtlety  of  his  adviser;  and  with 
his  characteristic  officiousness  assumed  the  authority  of 
pronouncing,  for  the  whole  church,  upon  one  of  the 
most  hazardous  topics  he  could  have  selected.  But  it 
was  foreseen  that  when  he  had  once  promulgated  his 
decision,  his  theological  vanity  would  be  security  against 
all  retraction,  and  his  pride  of  power  a  guarantee  of  his 
perseverance  and  final  victory.  Accordingly,  Theodo- 
rus felt  already  assured  of  success,  when  he  received 
a  command  to  draw  up  an  Edict  in  the  Emperor's  name, 


296  '^WE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap. 

condemning  the  fathers  in  question,  together  with  their 
obnoxious  writings  ;  which  have  since  been  known  by 
the  title  of  the  Three  Chapters.  This  Edict  was  pub- 
lished A.  D.  546,  in  the  forai  of  a  Letter  addressed  to 
the  whole  catholic  church  ;  and  all  bishops  were  re- 
quired to  subscribe  its  anathemas.  Most  of  them,  ap^ 
parently  against  their  conscience,  complied,  after  some 
hesitation,  and  were  liberally  rewarded ;  but  such  as 
maintained  their  integrity  and  refused,  were  of  course 
banished.  A  violent  and  general  contention  followed, 
for  several  years.  Books  w^ere  wiitten  on  both  sides. 
The  Roman  Pontiff  himself  continually  shuffled  between 
fear  of  the  sovereign's  vengeance,  and  regard  for  the 
consistency  of  the  ciiurch.  The  passions  of  men  grew 
inflamed,  till  all  Christendom  was  so  agitated  that  the 
usual  expedient  became  necessary  in  order  to  allay,  or 
rather  to  give  vent  to  the  fermentation  i. 

IX.  On  the  fourth  of  May,  A.  D.  553, 
A.  D.  553.  the  Fifth  General  Council  was  therefore 
opened  at  Constantinople,  under  the  eye  of 
Justinian,  by  one  hundred  and  fifty  one  bishops  from 
the  Greek  and  African  churches  ;  and  it  was  continued, 
with  the  accession  of  fourteen  other  bishops,  till  the  se- 
cond day  of  tlie  following  month.  Every  thing  appears 
to  have  been  managed,  as  was  expected,  according  to 
the  emperor's  pleasure.  The  Three  Chapters  were  con- 
demned with  extravagant  expressions  of  zeal ;  and  the 
person  of  Theodorus  of  Mopsuestia  was  anathematized, 
not  for  his  UniversaHsm,  but  for  his  alleged  Nestorian- 

q  Fleury's  Eccl.  Hist.  Book  xxxiii.  ch.  21 — 43* 


ix.]  OF  UNIVERSALISM.  297 

ism.  Thus  far,  the  artful  bishop  of  Cappadocia  saw  his 
plan  go  into  complete  effect.  But  he  could  not  stop 
the  ponderous  machinery  which  he  had  put  in  motion ; 
and  he  was  destined  to  feel,  before  the  close  of  its  op- 
erations, that  his  cunning  had  overreached  itself.  While 
he  was,  in  reality,  the  prime  but  covert  manager,  stead- 
ily controling  the  results,  by  first  suggesting  to  Justinian 
the  course  to  be  pursued,  and  then  dictating,  in  his 
name,  to  the  council,  the  subject  of  Origenism,  entirely 
foreign  from  the  business  of  the  session,  was  suddenly 
brought  before  the  obsequious  conclave  %  in  spite  of  all 
his  efforts  to  the  contrary.  The  emperor's  attention 
had  lately  been  directed  to  it  by  some  incidents  in 
Palestine ;  certain  deputies  from  Jerusalem,  with  Co- 
non,  the  Abbot  of  St.  Sabas,  at  their  head,  urged  its 
immediate  consideration ;  and  Justinian  was  by  no 
means  backward  to  show^  his  zeal  and  faithfulness  in  the 
affair.  He  despatched  a  message  to  the  assembled 
bishops,  exhorting  them  to  examine  the  doctrine  of  "  the 
"  impious  Origen,"  and  to  condemn  him  and  his  follow- 
ers, together  vv^ith  their  tenets.     x\s  a  form  which  they 

r  Here  I  follow  Huet  (Origenian.  Lib.  ii.  cap.  4.  Sect.  iii.  ^  t4 — 16,) 
Fleury  (Eccl.  Hist.  Book  xxxiii.  ch.  40.  51,)  and  ihe  testimony  of 
antiquity,  in  preference  to  the  authority  of  Du  Pin  (Biblioth.  Put.  Vol. 
V.  Art.  Hist,  of  Fifth  Gen.  Council,)  who  contends,  with  some  others, 
that  the  affair  of  Origen,  Didymus  and  Evagiius,  was  not  examined 
in  this  Council,  but  only  in  that  which  was  called  together,  at  Con- 
stantinople, by  JMennas,  on  re(  eiving  Justinian's  Edict,  in  a.  d.  540. 
Without  incurring  the  charge  of  pretending  to  decide  this  question, 
I  may  say  that  the  general  voice  of  history  is  against  Du  Pin  ;  and 
that  whether  he  was  correct  or  not,  this  is  certain,  that  the  condena- 
nation  of  Origen,  Didymus  and  Evagrius,  having  been  almost  inva- 
riably attributed  to  the  Fifth  General  Council,  has  been  received  in 
the  catholic  church  with  the  deference  which  is  paid  to  the  decisions 
of  such  a  body. 


298  THE  ANCIExNT  HISTORY  [Chap: 

might  use  in  framing  their  decrees,  he  sent  them,  at 
the  same  time,  the  long  Edict  which  he  had  published, 
thirteen  or  fourteen  years  before,  with  its  catalogue  of 
heresies  and  of  anadiemas. 

On  the  receipt  of  these  papers,  the  fathers  of  the 
Council  hastened  to  pay  obedience  to  the  request ;  and 
the  following  decree  served  at  once  to  commend  them 
to  their  master,  and  to  betray,  to  the  eye  of  the  histo- 
rian, their  servility  to  the  imperial  dictation.  "  Whoever 
"  says  or  thinks  that  the  souls  of  mankind  pre-existed  as 
"  intellectual,  holy  natures,  but  that  growing  weary  of 
"  divine  contemplation  they  degenerated  to  their  present 
"  character,  and  were  sent  into  these  bodies  for  the 
"  purpose  of  punishment,  let  him  be  anathema.  Who- 
"  ever  says  or  thinks  that  the  human  soul  of  Christ  pre- 
"  existed,  and  became  united  to  the  Word  before  its  in- 
"  carnation  and  nativity  of  the  blessed  Virgin,  let  him  be 
"  anathema.  Whoever  says  or  thinks  that  the  body  of 
"  Christ  was  first  formed  in  the  womb  of  the  holy  Virgin, 
"  and  that  the  Word  and  his  pre-existent  human  soul 
"  were  afterwards  united  with  it,  let  him  be  anathema. 
"  Whoever  says  or  thinks  that  the  Divine  Word  is  to 
"  become  like  the  angelic  and  celestial  powers,  and  thus 
"  be  reduced  to  an  equality  with  them,  let  him  be  anath- 
"  ema.  Whoever  says  or  thinks  that  in  the  resurrection 
"  human  bodies  are  to  be  of  a  round,  globular  form,  or 
"  whoever  will  not  acknowledge  that  mankind  are  to 
"  rise  in  an  erect  posture,  let  him  be  anathema.  Who- 
"  ever  says  that  the  sun,  the  moon,  the  stars,  and  the 
"  waters  above  the  heavens,  are  certain  animated  or  in- 
"  telligent  powers,  let  him  be  anathema.    Whoever  says 


w.]  OF  UiMVERSALISM.  299 

"  or  thinks  that  Christ  is  to  be  crucified  in  the  future 
"  world  for  the  demons,  as  he  was,  in  this,  for  men,  let 
*'  him  be  anathema.  Whoever  says  or  thinks  that  the 
"power  of  God  is  limhed,  and  that  it  has  created  all 
''  that  it  was  able  to  embrace,  let  him  be  anathema. 
"  Whoever  says  or  thinks  that  the  torments  of  the  de- 
*'  mons  and  of  impious  men  are  temporal,  so  that  they  will, 
*'  at  length,  come  to  an  end,  or  whoever  holds  a  restor- 
"  ation  either  of  the  demons  or  of  the  impious,  let  him 
"  be  anathema.  Anathema  to  Oiigen  Adamantius,  who 
"  taught  these  things  among  his  detestable  and  accursed 
"  dogmas  ;  and  to  every  one  who  believes  these  things, 
"  or  asserts  them,  or  who  shall  ever  dare  to  defend  them 
"  in  any  part,  let  there  be  anathema  :  In  Christ  Jesus 
"  our  Lord,  to  whom  be  glory  forever.     Amen^" 

In  addition  to  these  fulminating  sentences,  an  act  of 
condemnation  was  passed  upon  those  writings  of  Didy- 
mus  of  Alexandria  and  of  Evagrius  Ponticus,  which  ad- 
vocated Pre-existence  and  Universal  Restoration  ^ 

X.  The  decree  of  a  General  Council 
A.  D.  553  was  unalterable,  and  fixed  the  faith,  at 
and  554.  least  the  creed,  of  the  Catholic  Church, 
forever.  It  only  remains  that  we  mention 
the  effects  of  this  decision,  on  the  Origenists  of  Pales- 
tine. When  the  condemnatory  acts  were  sent  to  that 
province,  they  were  subscribed  by  all  the  prelates,  ex- 
cept Alexander  of  Abyla,  who  was  accordingly  expelled 
from  his  bishopric.  The.  monks  of  Nova  Laura  also 
refused  obedience,  and  withdrew  from  the  general  com- 

«  Summa  Conciliorum,  Auctore  M.   L.  Bail.  Tom.  1.  p,  235,  286 
Edit,  Paris.  IG72.  t  Vit.  Sabae  cap.  90. 


300  THE  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [Chap, 

munion.  The  new  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  who  had 
been  appointed  to  that  See  during  the  late  council,  en- 
deavored to  reclaim  the  dissenters  ;  but  at  the  end  of 
eight  months,  finding  all  persuasion  vain,  he  availed 
himself  of  the  emperor's  authority,  and  by  force  drove 
the  Origenists  out  of  the  country  ". 

o  Ditto. 


APPENDIX 

TO  THE  ANCIEiNT  HISTORY  OF  UNIVERSALISM. 
[From  A.  D.  554,  to  A.D.  1500.] 

I.  Having  brought  the  history  of  Universalism  down 
to  its  complete  and  authoritative  condemnation,  we  may, 
with  all  propriety,  close  the  regular  and  connected  nar- 
rative ;  especially  as  we  have  followed  it  into  the  dim 
twilight  preceding  the  long  age  of  darkness.  But  as 
curiosity  naturally  looks  onwards,  with  an  enquiring  eye, 
through  the  gloomy  succession  of  centuries  from  the 
Fifth  General  Council  to  the  Era  of  the  Reformation,  I 
shall  here  annex  such  notices  of  the  doctrine,  during 
that  period,  as  have  occurred  to  me. 

In  the  first  Lateran  Council,  convened 
A.  D.  649.    at  Rome,  by  Pope  Martin  I,  in  the  year  649, 

against  those  who  asserted  but  one  will  in 
Jesus  Christ,  the  fathers  repeated  the  anathema  against 
Origen,  and  his  followers,  Didymus  and  Evagrius. 

The    Sixth    General    Council,    held    at 
A.  D.  680.     Constantinople  in  A.  D.  680,  recognized, 

for  some  reason,  the  condemnation  of  Or- 
igen, Didymus  and  Evagrius  :  either  from  a  supicion 
that  the  heresy  was  still  cherished  ;  or  else  from  a  cas- 
ualty in  the  form  of  expression.  The  principal  business 
of  this  Council,  convened  like  the   Lateran  against  the 

26 


302  APPENDIX. 

Monothelites,  a  sect  so  called  fro.n  some  distinguishing 
notions  concerning  the  two  natures  of  Christ,  had  not 
the  least  connexion  with  the  subject  of  Origenism.  Yet 
one  of  the  declarations  reads  thus  :  "  We  agree  with 
"  the  holy  and  universal,  or  general.  Councils  in  all 
"  things  ;  especially  with  the  last  of  them,  the  Fifth, 
"  which  was  assembled  in  this  city  against  Theodorus 
"  of  Mopsuestia,  Origen,  Didymus  and  Evagrius." 

The  Seventh  General  Council  also, 
A.  D.  787.  which  met,  A.  D.  787,  at  Nice  in  Bithyn- 
ia,  for  the  purpose  of  defending  and  es- 
tablishing the  use  of  images,  relics,  &:c.  in  churches, 
has  left  on  its  records  a  sentence  that  may  induce  a 
suspicion  diat  Universalism  was  not  quite  extinct :  "  we 
"  anatliematize  the  fables  of  Origen,  Didymus  and  Eva- 
"  grius." 

And  the  Eighth  General  Council,  at 
A.  D.  869.  Constantinople  in  A.  D.  869,  likewise  di- 
gressed from  its  pro[)er  objects,  in  order  to 
pronounce  an  "  anathema  against  Origen,  who  advanced 
"  many  errors ;  and  against  Evagrius  and  Didymus, 
"  who  are  caught  in  the  same  abyss  of  perdition  '^." 
This  Council  \Yas  called  together  on  the  memorable 
quarrel  which  resulted  in  the  separation  of  the  Greek 
from  the  Latin  church ;  and  therefore  it  had  no  natural 
concern  with  the  fathers  here  condemned. 

The  introduction  of  this  foreign  topic,  in  these  suc- 
cessive Synods,  is  at  least  a  ciicumstantial  evidence  that 
it  was  not  altogether  accidental;  and  that  the  obnoxi- 
ous sentiments  were  thought  to  have  some  abettors, 
probably  in  the  eastern  church. 

This  indication  is  confirjiied  by  a  circumstance  that 

a  For  the  sentences  extracted  from  the  Sixth,  Seventh  and  Eighth 
Councils,  see  Hist,  de  rOrigenismc,  par  Louis  Doucin,  pp.  3:J^1,  322. 
For  the  notice  of  the  Lateran  Council,  see  Huetii  Origenian.  Lib.  ii. 
cap.  4.  Sect.  iii.  17, 


APPENDIX.  303 

happens  to  have  come  to  our  knowledge. 
A.  D.  713,  Germanus,  archbishop  of  Constantmople  in 
to  730.  the  former  part  of  the  eigthth  century,  pub- 
hshed  a  Dook,  we  are  told,  to  confute  "  the 
"  heretical  doctrine  that  the  demons  shall  be  restored  to 
"  their  pristine  state,  and  that  those  who  die  in  their 
"  sins,  shall,  after  certain  punishments,  be  gathered  into 
"  the  number  of  the  blest.  This  impiety,  so  full  of 
"  fables,  he  disproved,  first,  by  the  words  of  the  Lord, 
"  then  by  the  apostolic  decrees  ;  to  which  he  adds  also 
"  the  testimonies  of  the  prophets,  which  show  clearly 
"  that  as  the  enjoyment  of  the  blest  is  eternal  and  ineffa^ 
"  ble,  so  also  the  punishment  of  sinners  will  be  endless 
"  and  infinite.  And  not  only  by  these  testimonies  did 
"  he  confound  the  profane  and  poisonous  error,  but  also 
"  by  those  of  the  holy  fathers  ;  and  particularly  by  the 
"  very  writings  of  him  [Gregory  Nyssen]  whom  this 
"  heresy  perfidiously  claimed  as  its  patron.  By  means 
"  of  all  these  authorities,  he  freed  the  whole  ecclesiasti- 
"  cal  body  from  that  scheme  of  fables  so  pernicious  to  the 
"  the  soul."  In  part  of  his  book,  Germanus  under- 
took the  impracticable  task  of  showing  that  the  ancient 
father,  Gregory  Nyssen,  was  not  an  advocate  of  Uni- 
versalism.  The  occasion  of  this  bold  attempt  is  said  to 
have  been  ''  because  that  they  who  favored  the  notion 
"  that  the  demons  and  the  damned  might  be  delivered, 
*'  endeavored  to  mix  the  dark  and  pernicious  poison  of 
"  Origen's  dreams  with  Gregory's  luminous  and  sal'i- 
"  tary  wTitings,  and  strove  secretly  to  add  an  heretical 
*'  madness  to  the  virtue  and  renowned  orthodoxy  of  him 
"  whom  they  knew  to  be  distinguished  for  doctrine  and 
"  eloquence,  and  the  bright  reputation  of  whose  sanctity 
*'  they  knew  was  talked  of  by  all."  We  are  hkewise 
told  that  "  those  books  of  Gregory  which  the  heretics 
'*  craftily  endeavored  to  bring  to  their  aid,  but  which 
"  Germanus,  the  advocate  of  the  truth,  had  preserved 


304  APPENDIX. 

"  uninjured  from  their  attempts,  were  The  Dialogue 
"  concerning  the  soul :  The  Catechetical  Oration  ;  and 
"  the  Book  concerning  a  Perfect  Lifey"^ 

This  account,  taken  from  a  writer  of  the  ninth  cen- 
tury, who  was  one  of  the  most  renowned  ecclesiastical 
critics  of  all  antiquity,  shows  that,  about  the  time  of 
Germanus,  the  heresy  of  Universal  Restoration  made 
some  noise  in  the  East. 

11.  In  the  western  church  there  appeared,  among 
several  other  sectaries,  a  preacher  who  claims  our  no- 
tice. Clement,  a  native  of  Ireland,  seems  to  have  been 
regularly  ordained  a  presbyter,  or  minister,  in  the  Rom- 
ish communion.  But  he  at  length  discarded  its  super- 
stitions, renounced  its  authority,  and  rejected  the  whole 
mass  of  ecclesiastical  canons,  the  decrees  of  the  coun- 
cils, and  all  the  treatises  and  expositions  of  the  fathers ; 
reserving  to  himself,  probably,  as  the  guide  of  his  faith, 
the  Bible  alone,  which  was  nov/  forbidden  the  people. 
He  taught  that  Christ,  when  he  descended  to  Hell,  re- 
stored all  the  damned,  even  infidels  and  idolaters  ;  and 
he  differed,  on  what  particulars  we  know  not,  from  the 
catholic  doctrine  concerning  predestination.  Several 
independent  congregations  were  gathered,  under  his 
ministry,  in  part  of  France  and  Germany  ;  and  such 
was  his  progress  as  to  awaken  the  attention  of  both  the 
civil  and  ecclesiastical  powers.  In  a  coun- 
A.  D.  744.  cil  of  twenty  three  bishops,  assembled  A. 
D.  744,  at  Soissons  in  France,  by  king 
Pepin,  Clement  was  deposed  from  the  priesthood,  con- 
demned among  other  heretics,  and  imprisoned.  Boni- 
face, archbishop  of  Mentz,  and  legate  of  the  Holy  See, 
presided,  probably,  in  this  council ;  and  he  immediately 
sent  to  the  Pope  an  account  of  the  affair.     It  was  soon 

*  Photii  Bibliothec.  Cod-  233.  See  Note  ( f )  to  sect,  xvii  of  the 
vi.  Chap,  of  tliis  History. 


APPENDIX.  305 

discovered  that  Clement  had  left  disciples  even  among 
the  lower  orders  of  the  clergy  ;  and  in  a  council  of  seven 
bishops  held,  the  following  year,  by  pope  Zachary,  at 
Rome,  he  was  again  deposed,  and  anathematized  to- 
gether with  his  followers,  in  case  they  should  not  re- 
nounce their  error.  Two  years  afterwards  the  pope 
advised  Boniface  to  call  a  council  in  his  neighborhood, 
and  ascertain  whether  Clement  and  certain  other  here- 
tics would  submit  to  the  church ;  and  in  case  of  their 
obstinacy  to  send  them  to  Rome.  It  does  not  appear, 
however,  that  any  thing  further  w^as  done ;  and  it  is 
probable  that  Clement  died  in  prison.  Boniface  re- 
ported that  he  was  guilty  of  adultery'';  but  as  some 
such  accusation  was  the  customary  expedient  of  the 
catholics  on  similar  occasions,  the  story  is  unworthy  of 
notice.  Mosheim  says  that  "  by  the  best  and  most  au- 
'^  thentic  accounts,  Clement  Vv^as  much  better  acquainted 
*'  with  the  true  principles  and  doctrines  of  Christianity, 
**  than  Boniface  himself;  and  hence  he  is  considered  by 
''  many  as  a  confessor  and  sufferer  for  the  truth,  in  this 
"  barbarous  age  '^."  Priestley  also  thinks  "  it  is  probable 
*'  that  if  his  sentiments  and  conduct  were  fully  known, 
"  he  would  be  ranked  with  the  most  early  reformers  ^" 
III.  From  about  the  year  850,  for  two  centuries 
onwards,  both  the  Greek  and  the  Roman  or  Latin 
Church  enjoyed,  within  their  own  respective  commu- 
nions, the  golden  age  of  profound  ignorance  and  undis- 
turbed orthodoxy.  One  of  the  most  learned  and  im- 
partial of  the  catholic  historians  says,  '^  in  this  age  of 
"  the  church,  there   were  no   controversies  concerning 

b  Fleury's  Eccl.  Hist.  xlii.  cb.  39,  50,  52,  53,  54,  58.  The  ortho- 
dox enthusiast,  Milner,  applauds  the  soul-saving  zoal  of  Boniface  on 
this  occasion  ;  and  commends  the  discipline  inflicted  upon  Clement 
and  his  associates.     See  his  Hist,  of  the  Church,  Cent.  viii.  ch.  4. 

c  Mosheim's  Eccl.  Hist.  Cent.  viii.  Ft.  ii.  ch.  5.  §  2. 

d  Priestley's  Hist,  of  the  Church.   Period  xv,  Sect.  v.  p.  181. 

26* 


306  APPENDIX. 

"  articles  of  faith  or  doctrinal  points  of  divinity,  because 
"  there  were  no  heretics,  nor  other  inquisitive  persons, 
"  who  refined  upon  matters  of  rehgion,  or  undertook  to 
"  dive  to  the  bottom  of  its  mysteries.  The  sober  part 
"  contented  themselves  with  yielding  implicit  faith  to 
"  whatever  the  churchmen  thought  fit  to  dehver  from 
"the  pulpit;  and  as  for  the  profligate  wretches,  they 
"abandoned  themselves  to  gross  sensualities  for  the 
"  gratification  o.f  their  brutal  appetites,  rather  than  to 
"  the  vices  of  the  mind,  to  which'  none  but  ingenious 
"  persons  are  liable.  Therefore,  in  this  age  of  darkness 
"  and  ignorance,  the  Church,  not  being  disturbed  upon 
"  account  of  its  doctrines,  had  nothing  to  do  but  to  sup- 
"  press  the  enormities  which  abounded  with  regard  to 
"  discipline  and  manners'^."  Another  catholic  histori- 
an, having  repeated  that  no  heretics  arose  in  the  ninth 
and  tenth  centuries,  exclaims,  "  A  stupendous  prodigy 
"of  divine  providence  in  behalf  of  the  Church  !  Doubt- 
"  less,  because  she  was  agitated  with  other  commotions 
"  during  these  two  ages,  God  was  pleased  to  grant  her  rest 
"  from  the  troubles  of  heresy*"."  A  protestant  historian 
shall  describe  to  us  the  real  character  of  this  church,  so 
unmolested  by  error,  at  this  period  :  "  Both  in  the  east- 
"  ern  and  western  provinces,  the  clergy  w^ere,  for  the 
"  most  part,  composed  of  a  most  worthless  set  of  men, 
"  shamefully  illiterate  and  stupid,  ignorant  more  especi- 
"  ally  in  religious  matters,  equally  enslaved  to  sensuahty 
"  and  superstition,  and  capable  of  the  most  abominable 
"  and  flagitious  deeds.  This  dismal  degeneracy  of  the 
"  sacred  order  was,  according  to  the  most  credible 
"  accounts,  principally  owing  to  the  pretended  chiefs  and 
"  rulers  of  the  universal  church,  who  indulged  them- 
"  selves  in  th.e  commission  of  the  most  odious   crimes, 

e  Du  Pin's  Eccl.  Hist.  Vol.  viii,  ch.  G.  f  Notitiae  Eccl.  per 

Scdalitatem  Academ.  Bambergcn&em,  Pars  Tertia,  Saeculum  x. 


APPENDIX.  307 

"  and  abandoned  themselves  to  the  lawless  impulse  of 
"  the  most  licentious  passions,  without  reluctance  or  re- 
"  morse;  who  counibunded,  in  short,  all  difference  be- 
"  tween  just  and  unjust  to  satisfy  their  impious  ambition  ; 
"  and  whose  spiritual  em])ire  wTtS  such"  a  diversified 
"  scene  of  iniquity  and  violence,  as  never  was  exhibited 
"  under  any  of  those  temporal  tyrants,  who  have  been 
"  the  scourges  of  mankind  '."  "  Both  Greeks  and  Latins 
"  placed  the  essence  and  hfe  of  religion  in  the  worship 
"  of  images  and  departed  saints  ;  in  searching  after  with 
''  zeal,  and  preserving  with  a  devout  care  and  venera- 
"  tion,  the  sacred  relics  of  holy  men  and  v.^omen  ;  and 
'*  in  accumulating  riches  upon  the  priests  and  monks, 
"  whose  opulence  increased  with  the  progress  of  super- 
"  stition.  Scarcely  did  any  christian  dare  to  approach 
"  the  throne  of  God,  without  first  rendering  the  saints 
*'  and  images  propitious  by  a  solemn  round  of  expiatory 
"  rites  and  lustrations.  The  ardor  also  with  which 
"  relics  were  sought,  surpasses  almost  all  credibility  :  it 
"  had  seized  all  ranks  and  orders  among  the  people, 
"  and  was  grown  into  a  sort  of  fanaticism  and  phrenzy ; 
*'  and,  if  the  monks  are  to  be  believed,  the  Supreme 
"  Being  interposed,  in  an  especial  and  extraordinary 
"  manner,  to  discover  to  doating  old  wives,  and  bare- 
"  headed  friars,  the  places  where  the  bones  or  carcasses 
*•  of  the  saints  lay  dispersed  or  interred ''."  Such  was 
the  age  of  midnight  darkness. 

IV.  But  though  no  new  heresies,  so  called,  arose  at 
this  period  within  the  two  vast  communities  which  arro- 
gated to  themselves  the  appellation  of  The  Churchy. yet 
one  earlier  and  very  powerful  sect,  that  of  the  Pauli- 
cians,  still  existed  in  the  East,  and  under  several  names 
w^as  spread  in  the  West.  It  is  in  this  heterogeneous 
body  that  modern  historians '  have  sought,  wdth  some 

s  Mosheim's  Eccl.  Hist.  Cent.  x.  Ft.  2.  ch.  ii.  1.  h  Ditto, 

ch.  iii.  J.  i  Mosheim  (Eccl.  Hist.  Cent.  x.  Part  2.  ch.  v.  2.  and 


308  APPENDIX. 

appearance  of  success,  for  the  embryo  germ  of  the  Re- 
formation ;  and  it  is  among  the  same  people  that  we  may- 
discover  some  vague  elements  of  Universalism,  confused 
and  doubtful  indeed  at  first,  but  afterwards  assuming  a 
more  distinct  character,  and  coming  out  into  more  de- 
cided results.  The  Paulicians  were,  at  once,  descend- 
ants and  dissenters,  from  the  Manicheans ;  with  whose 
Gnosticism  they  were  considerably  tainted,  while  they 
rejected  the  denomination  whh  the  utmost  abhorrence. 
"  Extraordinary  as  it  may  appear,  the  same  general 
"  principles,  from  which  were  derived,  in  the  very  age 
'^  of  the  Apostles,  the  earhest  corruptions  of  the  christian 
"  doctrine,  were  the  means  of  bringing  about  the  Refor- 
"  mation  of  Christianity  ;  and  having  effected  this  pur- 
"  pose,  they  are  now  become  extinct'." 

Of  the  rise,  doctrine,  and  progress  of  this  sect  many 
particulars  are  extremely  uncertain  ;  but  we  may  ven- 
ture to  follow,  v.'ith  some  confidence,  one  of  the  most 
clear  sighted  masters  of  history^,  whose  account  has, 
in  the  present  affair,  been  commended  both  by  the  lib- 
eral and  the  bigoted,  by  the  Protestant  and  the  Cath- 
olic, notwithstanding  his  general  hostility  to    revealed 


Cent.  xi.  Part  2.  ch.  v.  compared  with  Cent.  xii.  Part  2.  ch.  v,  &c.)  has 
traced  tlie  Puiilicians  down  into  the  Albanenscs,  Albigenscs,  Cathari 
&c.  &c.  Cihbon  (Decline  and  Fall  &c.  ch.  liv.)  has  foHowed  the 
same  line  of  descent,  and  connected  them  witli  the  Reformation  ; 
and  so  has  Priestley  (Hist,  of  the  church.  Period  xviii.  Sect.  vii.  p. 
102 — 104,  &c.)  Milner  doubts  their  relation  to  the  forerunners  of 
the  Reformation,  because  he  is  not  convinced  of  their  dispersion 
through  Europe  (Hist,  of  the  Churc!),  Cent.  ix.  ch.  2;)  but  he  is  con- 
fident tli;it  they  were  very  ^ood  saints.  Catholic  historians  agres 
fully  witi)  Gibbon,  as  it  regards  their  connexion  with  the  Reformers. 

J  Priestley's  Hi;t.  of  the  Church,  Period  xviii.  Sect.  vii.  pp.  103,104. 

k  Gibbon's  Decline  and  Fall  &c.  ch.  liv.  Milner  says  "  the  candor 
'•of  Gibbon  is  remarkable  in  this  part  of  his  history.  O,  si  sic  om- 
•*  nia!"  and  tlie  learned  Cliarles  Butler  (Book  of  the  Roman  Catho- 
lic Church,  Note  at  the  end  of  Letter  xii.)  thinks  this  the  most  inter- 
esting chapter  of  his  work. 


APPENDIX. 


509 


religion.  About  the  year  660,  we  first 
A.  D.  660.  discover  this  people,  in  considerable  num- 
bers, spreading  quietly  from  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Samosata,  in  the  upper  region  of  the  Euphra- 
tes, northeastwardly  through  Armenia,  and  northwardly 
through  Cappadocia  and  Pontus.  Descended  from  the 
Gnostics,  who  had  never  been  affected  with  the  gradu- 
al corruptions  of  the  Cathohcs,  they  abhorred  the  use  of 
images,  of  relics,  pompous  ceremonies,  and  ecclesiastical 
domination  ;  and  they  dispensed  with  even  the  rites  of 
water  baptism  and  tlie  Lord's  supper.  Their  preachers 
were  distinguished  by  no  title  from  their  brethren  ;  and 
no  superiority  was  allovv^ed,  except  what  arose  from 
the  austerity  of  their  lives,  their  zeal  or  their  knowledge. 
The  jManichean  books  they  rejected,  and  likewise  the 
Jewish,  as  they  called  the  Old  Testament ;  but  the  New 
Testament,  which  in  the-  orthodox  church  had  almost 
disappeared  from  the  laity,  they  received  as  the  ines- 
timable and  only  volume  of  sacred  scripture,  and  en- 
joined its  diligent  perusal  on  all  the  people.  It  is  pro- 
bable, however,  that  they  disowned  the  two  Epistles  of 
St.  Peter,  and  the  Revelation  of  St.  John ;  and  it  is 
certain  that  their  favorite  books  were  the  writings  of 
St.  Paul  :  from  whom  they,  perhaps,  took  their  name 
of  Paulicians.  Still,  they  held  the  Manichean  notion 
of  two  Original  Principles,  the  Good  and  the  Bad  ;  and 
tliey  looked  forward  to  the  triumph  of  the  former 
over  his  rival,  either  by  the  entire  abolition ',  or  partial 
conquest  of  death,  sin  and  misery.  The  body  with 
which  Christ  was  seen  upon  earth,  together  with  his 
crucifixion,  they  supposed  to  have  been  apparent  only; 

1  I  have  ventured,  without  any  express  authority,  to  attribute 
to  them  a  difference  of  opinion  among  themselves,  on  this  point; 
because  such  seems  to  have  been  the  case  with  their  predecessors, 
the  jManicheaiis  and  other  GnosticS;  and  also  with  their  descendants, 
the  Albigenses  &c. 


310  APPENDIX. 

and  of  course  it  is  probable  tbat  they  denied  his  real 
resurrection,  and  that  of  mankind. 

V.  Their  Oriental  notions  might,  with 
A.  D.  670,  all  propriety,  be  disliked  by  the  church, 
to  845.  But  the  plain  simplicity  of  their  institutions, 
their  total  disrespect  of  images  and  relics, 
tlieir  contempt  of  all  those  artifices  by  which  the  craft 
got  their  living,  kindled  against  them  the  most  implaca- 
ble hatred ;  and  the  orthodox  emperors  of  the  East 
resolved  on  their  complete  extermination.  For  an 
hundred  and  fifty  years  they  sustained  a  bloody  perse- 
cution, with  a  patience  and  inoffensive  meekness  that 
converted  some  even  of  their  executioners.  But  all 
human  endurance  may  at  length  be  overcome  ;  and 
when  that  sanguinary  zealot,  the  empress  Theodora, 
succeeded  to  the  regency  of  the  East,  during  her  son's 
minority,  she  drove  them  beyond  the  bounds  of  forbear- 
ance. In  those  parts  of  Asia  Minor  where  they  abound- 
ed, and  in  Armenia,  she  confiscated  their  goods,  and 
put  to  death  by  the  sword,  the  gibbet  and  the  flames, 
more  than  a  hundred  thousand  of  their  number,  making 
them  expire  slowly  by  a  variety  of  the  most  excruciating 
torments.  Such  as  escaped  the  horrible 
A.  D.  845,  massacre,  fled  immediately  for  refuge  to 
to  880.  the  Saracens,  accepted  with  gratitude  per- 
mission to  build  a  city  on  the  frontiers  of 
Armenia,  and  entered  into  an  alliance  with  their  Ma- 
hometan protectors.  They  soon  gathered  an  army,  and 
marched  back  to  avenge  on  the  Greeks  the  sufferings 
of  their  martyred  brethren.  The  war  was  carried  on 
with  alternate  advantage,  about  forty  years  ;  but  to- 
wards the  close  of  the  century,  the  power  of  the  Pauli- 
cians  was  effectually  broken,  and  tliey  were  obliged  to 
seek  security  in  the  fastnesses  of  the  Armenian  moun- 
tains. 


APPENDIX.  312 

But  they  had  akeady  obtained  a  permanent  footing 
in  Europe.  As  long  ago  as  the  middle  of  the  preceding 
century,  and  in  the  midst  of  those  persecutions  they  so 
patiently  endured,  a  colony  of  them  was  transported, 
by  one  of  the  Greek  emperors,  from  Asia  to  Thrace, 
westward  of  Constantinople.  With  a  zeal  which  no 
sufferings  could  repress,  they  labored  successfully  to 
diffuse  their  doctrine  among  their  northern  neighbors, 
the  Bulgarians,  in  the  lower  region  of  the  Danube. 
After  sustaining  many  hardships  and  cruelties  for  more 

than  two  hundred   years,    they  were,    at 

A.  D.  970,     length,    reinforced   by    another    and    very 

to  1100.       numerous  colony  from  Armenia  ;    and  they 

were  also  privileged  with  a  full  toleration 
of  their  faith.  In  course  of  time  they  occupied  a  line 
of  villages  and  castles  from  Thrace  westwardly  through 
Macedonia  and  Epirus ;  and  by  the  various  chances  of 
trade,  of  emigration  and  of  persecution,  they  became 
scattered  in  small  numbers,  over  all  Europe.  Their 
Manichean  or  oriental  principles  w^ould  have  been,  per- 
haps, a  fatal  preventive  to  the  reception  of  their  faith 
among  the  people  of  the  West,  had  it  not  been  counter- 
acted by  the  simphcity  of  their  religious  institutions.  A 
strong  though  secret  discontent  had  been  generally  pro- 
voked by  the  avarice,  the  despotism,  the  mumm.ery  and 
the  dissoluteness  of  the  church  of  Rome  ;  and  when 
tlie  oppressed  and  neglected  populace  beheld  a  sect  of 
professed  chrisuans  blameless  in  their  hves,  humble  in. 
tlieir  deraeanoi",  and  disclaiming  all  tyrany  over  the  con- 
sciences of  men,  the  spectacle  was,  to  many,  so  attrac- 
tive, that  they  became  partial  converts  to  the  new 
system,  and  adopted  even  their  doctrines,  though  with 
various  modifications.  From  this  amalgamadon  arose 
all  those  sects  of  the  eleventh,  twelfth,  thirteenth,  and 
fourteenth  centuries,  which  the  Catholic  writers  denom- 
inate Manicheans,  but  which  are  known  to  Protestants 


312  APPENDIX. 

under  the  name  of  Albanenses,  Albigenses,  Cathari, 
and,  perhaps,  Waldenses.  This  mongrel  race,  it  is  well 
known,  spread  through  Italy,  France  and  Germany ; 
and  for  a  long  period  suffered  from  the  Ciiurch  all  the 
cruelty  that  cunning  could  devise  and  power  inflict. 
'It  was  about  the  year  1150  that  several  part^  of  the 
'  continent  had  become  pervaded  by  men,  chiefly  of 
'  the  poorer  and  laborious  classes  of  life,  who  were 
'  forming  themselves  into  religious  communities,  distinct 
'  from  the  established  Catholic   church,  and  who  had 

•  the  scriptures  with  them  in  their  vernacular  languages, 
'  and  were  intently  and  critically  comparing  the  tenets, 
'  system,  and  conduct  of  the  papal  clergy,  with  the  pre- 
'  cepts  and  instructions  of  the  Evangelists  and  Apostles. 
'  They  were  universally  difliised.     In  France  they  were 

*  called  Weavers,  Poor  of  Lyons,  Waldenses,  and  Albi- 
'  genses;  in  Flanders,  Piphles  ;  and  in  Germany,  Catha- 
'  ri.  They  were  at  Bonn,  and  in  the  diocese  of  Cologne; 
'  they  abounded  near  the  Alps  and  Pyrenees ;  they 
'  were  greatly  diffused  through  Provence  and  in  Tho- 
'  louse ;  they  existed  in  Spain ;  and  had  spread 
'  through  Lombardy  to  Padua  and  Florence,  and  some 
'  had  even  entered  Naples.  They  were  distinguished 
'  for  their  missionary  spirit,  and  the  caution  with  which 
'  they  pursued  it.""" 

With  various  opinions  as  to  the  Manichean  doctrine 
of  two  Original  Principles,  they  were  nevertheless  unit- 
ed in  denouncing,  as  antichristian,  the  authority,  the 
ceremonies,  and  the  whole  hierachy,  of  the  Romish 
communion.  It  is  probable  that  many  of  them  held,  in 
some  form,  the  doctrine  of  the  salvation  of  all  souls  ; 
for  of  this    they  are   accused  by  the  Catholic  writers, 


*  History  of  England,  by  Slinron  Turner,  Vol.  ii.  pp.  331  382.  Lend. 
]815.  N.  B.  This  learned  aisd  piiilosophical  Historian  follows  Gib- 
bon, in  deducing  the  above  named  sects  from  the  Paulicians. 


APPENDIX.  313 

who  also  assert  that  they  denied  a  future  judgment  and 
future  punishment™. 

VI.  We  find  a  solitary  trace  of  Univer- 
D.  1190.  salism,  at  this  time,  among  the  monks  oi 
France.  At  the  city  of  Nevers,  which 
stands  on  the  river  Loire,  about  a  hundred  and  forty 
miles  south  of  Paris,  one  Rainold  presided  as  abbot 
over  the  monastery  of  St.  Martin;  and  he  was  accused 
in  a  council,  held  this  year,  at  Sens,  of  maintaining  two 
errors  :  1 ,  That  the  bread  of  the  sacrament  was  corrup- 
tible, and  that  it  was  digested,  like  other  bread  ;  and  2, 
that  all  men  will  eventually  be  saved,  as  Origen  had 
taught  ^ .  What  was  the  result  of  the  complaint  1  know 
not. 

VII.  It  is,  perhaps,  impossible  to  deter- 
A.  D.  1200,  mine  whether  we  ought  to  rank  Amalric, 
to  1210.  or  Amauri,  an  eminent  professor  of  logic 
and  theology  at  Paris,  among  the  Univer- 
salists.  Like  the  celebrated  Wickliffe  « ,  he  was  charg- 
ed with  holding  the  pantheistical  tenet  that  the  Universe 
is  God  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  the  whole  tenor  of  the 
doctrine  attributed  to  him,  opposes  that  proposition,  at 
least  in  its  exceptionable  sense.  "  According  to  Fleury, 
"  he  held  diat,  in  order  to  be  saved,  every  person  must 
"  believe  that  he  is  a  member  of  Jesus  Christ ;  but  that 
"  the  pope  condemning  this  opinion,  he  retracted  it  be- 
"  fore  his  death.  Fleury  also  ascribes  to  the  followers 
"  of  Amauri  an  opinion  which  is  said  to  have  taken  its 
"  rise  from  a  book  by  Joachim,  entitled  The  Everlasting 
*'  Gospel,  viz.  that  Jesus  Christ  abolished  the  old  law, 
"  and  that  in  his  time  commenced  the  dispensation  of 
"  the   holy   spirit,  in   which    confession,  baptism,  the 

tn  See  Gabrielis  Prateoli  Marcossii  Vita  Hgereticornm,  Art.  Alban- 
enses,  Albi^enses,  &c.  And  Berti  Breviarium  Hist  Eccl.  Cent.  viii. 
— xii.  cap.  3.  And  Notitiae  Eccl.  Pars  Terlia,  per  Sodalet.  Academ. 
Bambergensem,  tfcc.  "  Priestley's  Hist,  of  the  Christian  Church, 

Period  xviii.  Sect.  ix.  p.  136, 137.  °  Lenfant's  Hist,  of  the  Coun- 

cil of  Constance,  Book   iii.  eh.  42;  Art,  28,  vol.  i,  p.  419. 

37 


314  APPENDIX 

"  eucharist,  and  other  sacraments,  would  have  no  place ; 
"  but  that  persons  might  be  saved  by  the  interior  grace 
"  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  without  any  external  acts.  He 
"  moreover  says  that  Amauri  denied  the  resurrection, 
"  said  that  heaven  and  hell  were  in  men's  own  breasts, 
"  that  the  pope  was  Antichrist,  and  Rome  Babylon  p." 
I  shall  now  set  down,  in  their  own  words,  the  catalogue 
which  other  Catholic  writers  have  made  of  his  errors  : 
"  1,  Amalric  said  that  the  body  of  Christ  was  notother- 
"  wise  present  in  the  bread  of  the  sacrament,  than  as  it 
"  is  in  other  bread,  and  in  every  thing  else  ;  so  that  he 
"  denied  transubstantiation.  2,  He  said  God  had  spok- 
"  en  by  Ovid,  as  much  as  by  Augustine.  3,  He  denied 
"  the  resurrection  of  the  body,  and  likewise  heaven  and 
"hell;  saying  that  whoever  enjoyed  the  knowledge  of 
"  God  in  himself,  enjoyed  also  heaven  in  himself,  and 
"  that  on  the  contrary  whoever  committed  deadly  sin, 
"  experienced  hell  in  himself.  4,  He  asserted  that  to 
"  dedicate  altars  to  the  saints,  to  burn  incense  to  ima- 
"  ges,  and  to  invoke  the  saints,  was  Idolatry.  5,  He 
"  affirmed,  not  only  with  the  Armeni,  that  Adam  and 
"  Eve  would  never  have  cohabited,  had  they  continued 
"  in  their  first  state,  but  also  that  there  would  have 
"  been  no  difference  of  sex,  and  that  the  multipHcation 
"  of  mankind  would  have  been  like  that  of  the  angels ; 
"  thus  contradicting  what  is  written  in  Genesis ;  God 
"  created  man  in  his  own  image  ;  in  Ms  image  created 
"  he  him,  male  and  female.  6,  He  asserted  that 
"  God  is  not  to  be  seen  in  himself,  but  in  his  creatures, 
"  as  the  light  is  seen  in  the  air.  7.  He  said  that 
"  what  would  otherwise  be  mortal  sin,  would,  if  done 
"  in  charity,  be  no  sin  :  thus  promising  impunity  to 
"  sinners.     8,  He  affirmed  that  those  ideas  which  are 


p  Priestley's  Hist,  of  the  Christ.   Church,  Period  xix.  Sect.  xi.  pp. 
296-299. 


APPENDIX.  315 

"  in  the  divine  mind,  are  both  capable  of  being  created, 
"  and  actually  are  created ;  when  Augustine  on  the 
"  contrary  has  declared,  that  there  is  nothing  in  the 
"  divine  mind,  but  what  is  eternal  and  incommunicable. 
-'^  9,  He  fancied  that  the  soul  of  the  contemplative,  or 
"  happy  saint  would  lose  itself,  as  to  its  own  nature, 
"  and  return  into  that  ideal  existence  which  it  had  in 
"the  divine  mind.  10,  He  taught  that  all  creatures, 
"  in  the  end,  would  return  into  God,  and  be  converted 
"  into  him ;  so  that  they  will  be  one,  individually,  with 
"  him  •^."  As  this  account  is  given  by  his  enemies,  we 
must  make  an  allowance  in  his  favor;  and  it  is  not  an 
unreasonable  conclusion  that  he  only  opposed  the  cor- 
ruptions and  errors  of  the  Church,  that  he  adopted 
some  mystic  notions  which  then  prevailed  concerning 
spiritual  union  with  Deity,  and  that  he  believed  that 
finally  God  would  become  "  all  in  all."  With  regard 
to  the  resurrection,  he  may  have  made,  like  the  cele- 
brated Locke,  some  distinctions  which  gave  his  adver- 
saries occasion  to  charge  him  with  denying  it. 

Some  of  the  opinions  of  Amalric,  or  Amauri,  as  he 
is  generally  called,  were  condemned  by  the  University 
of  Paris,  and  hkewise  by  pope  Innocent  III.  and  just 
before  his  death,  the  author  was  compelled  to  retract 
them.  But  he  left  disciples;  and  in  A.  D.  1209,  a 
council  was  called  at  Paris,  in  which  ten  priests  or  stu- 
dents of  divinity  were  condemned  to  the  flames,  and 
four  to  perpetual  imprisonment.  At  the  same  time,  the 
name  of  Amauri,  who  had  died  in  peace,  was  anathema- 
tized, and  his  bones  were  dug  up  and  thrown  upon  a 
dunghill. 

VIII.  I  present  to  the  reader  the  follow- 

A.  D.  1230,  ing  account  entire,  as  it  stands  in   a  Cath- 

to  1234.     olic  historian.     I  add  no  remarks,  because 

every  reflecting  person  will  discover  much 

q  Summa  Conciliorum,  per  M.  L.  Bail,  Torn.  i.  p.  432. 


316  APPENDIX: 

incongruity  between  the  different  parts  of  the  statement ; 
and  every  one  who  is  at  all  acquainted  either  with 
the  habitual  language  of  the  old  Romish  authors  con- 
cerning heretics,  or  with  the  odious  representations 
that  are  even  now  given,  in  our  own  country,  con- 
cerning Universalists,  will  readily  understand  the  pres- 
ent case.  "  Among  all  the  sects  which  started  up, 
"  during  the  thirteenth  century,  there  was  none  more  de- 
"  testable  than  that  of  the  Stadings,  which  showed  itself 
"  by  the  outrages  and  cruelties  which  it  exercised,  in 
"  Germany,  A.  D.  1230,  against  the  catholics,  and 
"  especially  against  the  church-men.  Those  impious 
"  persons  honored  Lucifer,  and  inveighed  against  God 
"  himself,  beheving  that  he  had  unjustly  condemned 
"  that  angel  to  darkness,  that  one  day  he  would  be  re- 
"  established,  and  that  they  should  be  saved  with  him. 
"  Whereupon  they  taught,  that  until  that  time,  it  was 
"  not  requisite  to  do  any  thing  which  was  pleasing  to 
"  God,  but  quite  the  contrary.  They  were  persuaded 
"  that  the  Devil  appeared  in  their  assemblies.  They 
"  therein  committed  infamous  things,  and  uttered  strange 
"  blasphemies.  It  is  said,  that  after  they  had  received 
"  the  eucharist,  at  Easter,  from  the  hands  of  the  [cath- 
"  ohc]  priest,  they  kept  it  in  their  mouths  without  swal- 
"  lowing  it,  in  order  to  throw  it  away.  Those  heretics 
"  spread  themselves  in  the  bishopric  of  Breme,  and  in 
"  the  frontiers  of  Friezland  and  Saxony  ;  and  getting  to 
"  a  head,  they  massacred  the  ecclesiastics  and  monks, 
"  pillaged  the  churches,  and  committed  a  world  of  dis- 
"  orders.  Pope  Gregory  IX.  excited  the  bishops  and 
"  lords  of  those  countries  to  make  war  against  them,  in 
"  order  to  extirpate  that  wicked  race.  The  archbishop 
"  of  Breme,  the  duke  of  Brabant  and  the  count  of  Hol- 
"  land,  having  raised  forces,  marched,  in  the  year  1234, 
"  to  engage  them.  They  made  a  vigorous  defence, 
"but   were  at  last  defeated  and  cut  to  pieces.     Six 


APPENDIX,  317 

"  thousand  were  killed  upon  the  spot ;  the  rest  perished 
"  in  several  ways,  and  they  were  all  routed ;  so  that 
*'  there  were  but  few  left,  who  were  converted  and  re- 
"  turned  to  their  obedience  the  next  year^" 

IX.  "  The  sect  of  the  Lollards  spread 
A.  D,  1315,  "  through  Gernaany,  and  had  ior  their  lead- 
Sic.  —      "  er,  Walter  Lollard,  who  began  to  disperse 

"his  errors  about  the  year  1315.  They 
"  despised  the  sacraments  of  the  [cadiolic]  church, 
"  and  derided  her  ceremonies  and  her  constitutions, 
"  observed  not  the  fasts  of  the  church,  nor  its  abstinen- 
"  ces,  acknowledged  not  the  intercession  of  the  [de- 
"  ceased]  saints,  and  believed  that  the  damned  in  hell, 
"  and  the  evil  angels,  should  one  day  be  saved.  Trith- 
"  emius,  who  recites  the  errors  of  these  sectaries,  says 
"  that  Bohemia  and  Austria  were  infected  with  them  ; 
*'  that  there  were  above  twenty  four  thousand  persons  in 
"  Germany  who  held  these  errors  ;  and  that  the  greater 
"  part  defended  them  with  obstinacy,  even  unto  deaths" 

X.  In  England,  Langham,    Archbishop 
A.  D.  1368.  of  Canterbury,  convened  a  council  in  A.  D. 

1368,  and  with  the  advice  of  his  divines, 
gave  judgment  against  thirty  propositions  which  were 
taught  in  his  province.  Among  them  "  the  following 
opinions  were  condemned:  1.  Every  man  ought  to 
^'  have  the  free  choice  of  turning  to  God,  or  from  him  ; 
"  and  according  to  this  choice  he  will  be  saved  or 
"  damned.  2.  Baptism  is  not  necessary  to  the  sal- 
"  vation  of  infants.  3.  No  person  will  be  damned  for 
"  original  sin  only.  4.  Grace,  as  it  is  commonly  ex- 
"  plained,  is  an  illusion  ;  and  eternal  hfe  may  be  ac- 
"  quired  by  the  force  of  nature.  5.  Nothing  can  be 
*-bad   merely   because    it  is  forbidden.     6.  The  fruh 

r  Du  Pin's  Eccl.  Hist.  Vol,  xi.  ch.  ix.  p.  153.  s  Du  Pin's 

Eccl.  Hist.  Vol.  xii.  ch.  viii.  p,  113. 

27* 


318  APPENDIX. 

"that  Adam  was  forbidden  to  eat,  was  forbidden  be- 
"  cause  it  was  in  itself  bad.  7.  Man  is  necessarily 
"  mortal,  Jesus  Christ  included,  as  well  as  other  animals. 
"  8.  All  the  damned,  even  the  demons,  may  be  restored 
''^and  become  happy.  9.  God  cannot  make  a  reason- 
"  able  creature  impeccable,  or  free  from  a  liability  to  sin. 
"  It  was  an  honor  to  the  age  and  to  the  country,"  says 
Priestley,  "  to  produce  such  sentiments  as  these  ;  but  it 
"  was  but  a  sudden  blaze  in  the  midst  of  much  thick 
"  darkness,  and,  as  far  as  appears,  was  soon  extin- 
"  guished  t ." 

XI.  "In  the  year  1411,  a  sect  was  dis-. 
A.  D.  1400,  "  covered  in  Flanders,  and  more  especially 
to  1412.  "  at  Brussels,  which  owed  its  origin  to  an 
"  illiterate  man,  whose  name  was  jEgidius 
"Cantor,  and  to  WilHam  of  Hildenissen,  a  Carmelite 
"  monk,  and  whose  members  were  distinguished  by  the 
"  title  of  Men  of  Understanding.  There  were  many 
"  things"  says  Mosheim,  "  reprehensible  in  the  doctrine 
"  of  this  sect,  which  seemed  to  be  chiefly  derived  from 
"  the  theology  of  the  Mystics.  For  they  pretended  to 
"  be  honored  with  celestial  visions,  denied  that  any 
"  could  arrive  at  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  holy  scrip- 
"  tures,  without  the  extraordinary  succors  of  a  divine 
"  illumination  ;  declared  the  approach  of  a  new  revela- 
"  tion  from  heaven,  more  complete  and  perfect  than 
"  the  gospel  of  Christ ;  maintained  that  the  resurrection 
"  was  already  accomplished  in  the  person  of  Jesus,  and 
"  that  no  other  resurrection  was  to  be  expected  ;  af- 
"  firmed  that  the  inward  man  was  not  defiled  by  the 
"  outward  actions,  whatever  they  were  ;  that  the  pains  of 
"  hell  were  to  have  an  end,  and  that,  not  only  all  man- 
"  kind,  but  even  the  devils   themselves,  were  to  return 


t  Priestley's  Hist,  of  the  Christian  Church,  Period  xx.  Sect,  xii. 
pp.  498.  499.     See  also  Du  Pin's  Eccl.  Hist.  Vol.  xii.  ch.  viii.  p,  115. 


APPENDIX.  319 

"to  God,  and  be  made  partakers  of  eternal  fellclt);. 
"  This  sect  seems  to  have  been  a  branch  of  that  of  The 
"  Brethren  and  Sisters  of  the  Free  Spirit ;  since  they 
"  declared  that  a  new  dispensation  of  grace  and  spiritual 
"  liberty  was  to  be  promulgated  to  mortals  by  the  Holy 
"  Ghost.  It  must,  however,  be  acknowledged,  on  the 
"  other  hand,  that  their  absurdities  were  mingled  with 
"  several  opinions  which  showed  that  they  were  not 
"  totally  void  of  understanding  ;  for  they  maintained, 
"  among  other  things,  1.  that  Christ  alone  had  merited 
*•  eternal  life  and  felicity  for  the  human  race,  and  that 
"  therefore,  men  could  not  acquire  this  inestimable 
"  privilege  by  their  own  actions  alone  ;  2.  that  the 
**  priests,  to  whom  the  people  confessed  their  transgres- 
"  sions,  had  not  the  power  of  absolving  them,  but  that 
"  it  was  Christ  alone  in  whom  this  authority  was  vested  ; 
"  and  3.  that  voluntary  penance  and  mortification  v/ere 
"  not  necessary  to  salvation.  These  propositions  how- 
"  ever,  and  some  others,  were  declared  heretical  by 
*'  Peter  D'Ailly,  bishop  of  Cambray,  who  obliged  Wil- 
"  ham  of  Hildenissen  to  abjure  them,  and  who  opposed 
"  with  the  greatest  vehemence  and  success  the  progress 
"  of  this  sect "".  Such  is  Mosheim's  account,  which  is 
the  most  particular  I  have  seen. 

XII.  John  Picus,  earl  of  Mirandola  and 
A.  D.  1480,  Concordia,  a  distinguished  scholar  in  Italy, 
to  1494.  alarmed  the  church,  about  this  period,  by 
advancing  some  opinions  which  properly 
come  under  our  notice.  From  infancy  he  had  evinced 
a  remarkable  quickness  of  mind  and  a  prodigious  mem- 
ory. At  the  age  of  fourteen,  he  studied  law  at  Eologne  ; 
and  afterwards  spent  seven  years  in  vishing  the  most 
famous  Universities  of  France  and  Italy,  and  in  convers- 
ing with  the  learned  of  those  countries.    He  then  went 

u  Mosheim's  Eccl,  Hist.  Cent,  xv-  Part  ii.  ch.  v.  4. 


320  APPENDIX. 

to  Rome  ;  and  in  A.  D.  1486,  when  he  was  only 
twenty  one  years  old,  he  published,  in  this  city,  nine  hun- 
dred propositions  upon  various  subjects  in  the  several 
branches  of  theology,  magic,  the  cabahstic  art,  and  phi- 
losophy, and  engaged  to  maintain  them  in  public  dispu- 
tation, according  to  a  custom  of  those  times.  These 
propositions  were,  for  the  most  part,  either  of  a  meta- 
physical kind,  or  of  a  character  merely  verbal ;  but 
among  them  were  the  following,  of  a  more  important 
nature  :  "  Jesus  Christ  did  not  descend  into  hell  in  per- 
"  son,  but  only  in  effect :  Infinite  pain  is  not  due  even 
"  to  mortal  sin ;  because  shi  is  finite,  and  therefore 
"  merits  but  finite  punishment ;  Neither  crosses  nor 
"  images  ought  to  be  adored  ;  There  is  more  reason  to 
"beheve  that  Origen  was  saved,  than  that  he  was 
"  damned  &:c."  But  instead  of  a  controversy  which 
he  had  challenged,  he  soon  found  that  other  means 
were  likely  to  be  employed  in  refuting  him.  His  ene- 
mies sounded  the  alarm  of  heresy  ;  the  Pope  appointed 
commissioners  to  examine  his  publications  ;  and,  to  his 
dismay,  they  at  length  brought  in  a  judgment  censuring 
the  foregoing  propositions,  together  with  nine  others, 
some  of  which  seemed  to  disagree  with  the  doctrine  of 
transubstantiation.  Upon  this,  Picus  wrote  an  Apology, 
and  by  means  of  metaphysical  subtleties,  explained  away 
the  heretical  character  of  the  obnoxious  propositions, 
and  humbly  submitted  himself  to  the  Holy  See.  As  to 
his  former  statement  concerning  the  demerit  of  sin,  he 
now  endeavored  to  reconcile  it  with  the  doctrine  of 
endless  misery.  After  all,  the  Pope  forbade  the  reading 
of  his  books  ;  and  sometime  afterwards,  when  Picus  had 
retired  from  Rome,  he  cited  him  to  appear  before  the 
dread  tribunal  of  the  Chuich.  But  while  this  was  yet 
pending,  he  obtained  an  absolution  from  the  Pontiff,  in 
the  year  1493.  After  this  he  devoted  himself  wholly 
to  the  study  of  the  scriptures  and  to   controversial  writ- 


APPENDIX.  321 

ings,  resigned  his  earldom,  and  distributed  all  his  goods 
among  the  poor.  He  died  at  Florence,  A.  D.  1494, 
aged  only  twenty  nine  years  v 

XIII.  In  the  year  1498,  a  Spanish  pre- 
A.  D.  1490,  late  by  the  name  of  Peter  D'Aranda,  was 
to  1498.  degraded  and  condemned  to  perpetual 
imprisonment  in  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo 
at  Rome,  on  being  convicted,  it  is  said,  of  Judaism. 
He  was  bishop  of  Calahorra  in  Old  Castile,  near  the 
river  Ebro  ;  and  he  held  the  office  of  Master  of  the 
Sacred  Palace.  He  is  said  to  have  taught  that  the  Jew- 
ish religion  acknowledged  but  one  principle,  while  the 
christian  recognized  three  :  alluding  probably  to  the 
doctrine  of  the  Trinity.  "  In  his  prayers  he  said  Glory 
"  to  the  Father,  without  adding,  to  the  Son,  or  to  the 
"  Holy  Ghost.  He  said  that  indulgences  were  of  no 
"  avail,  but  were  invented  for  the  profit  that  was  drawn 
"  from  them ;  that  there  was  neither  purgatory  nor  hell, 
^^  but  only  paradise.  He  observed  no  fasts,  and  said 
"  mass  after  dinner.  From  his  saying  mass,  or  receiving 
"  the  Lord's  supper,  it  is  evident  he  was  not  a  Jew, 
"  but  probably  a  Unitarian  Christian '''." 

V  Dn  Pin's  Eccl.  Hist,  vol.  xiii.  ch.  4,  p.  95,  96. 
w  Priesiley's  Hist,  of  the  Christian  Church,  Period  xxi.  Sect.  vii. 
p.  86. 


ADVERTISEMENT. 

X  O  complete  the  work  begun  in  this   volume,  there 
will  be  put  to  press,  in  the  course  of  a  few  months, 

*'  The  Modern  History  of  Universalism  :  from  the 
Era  of  the  Reformation,  to  the  Present  Time.  By  Thomas 
Whittemore,  Pastor  of  the  First  Universalist  Church  and 
Society  in  Cambridge."     In  1  vol.  to  match  with  this. 

Both  volumes,  the  Ancient  and  the  Modern,  will  pre- 
sent a  continued  History  of  Universalism,  from  the  time 
of  the  Apostles,  to  the  present  day. 


INDEX 

TO  THE  PRINCIPAL  NOTES. 

Acts  of  Paul  and  Thecla,  a  double  forgery  -  -  Pag'e  27 

AmpuUianus  said  to  have  been  a  Universal  st  heretic  of  Bithynia  131, 1S2 
Anicetus  and  Polycarp  disagree  about  the  time  for  holding  Easter  51 
Apology  for  Origen,  hy  an  anonymous  author  ...       268 

Athanasius  di  i  7iot  censu.'e  Crigen"s  Uni\  ersalism;  nor  his  notion 

of  the  fdU  of  souls  ._....     165 

Atheists,  primitive  christians   so  called  by  the  hesCthens  -  24 

Augustine  adopted  and  retained  the   Manichein  notion  of  the 

servitude  of  the  will     ------  143,  144 

Augustine's   arguments  against  Universalism;    and  justification 

of  endless  torment  -  ...         253,254 

Augustine  and  Calvin,  difference  batweea  their  doctrines  260,  261 

Barnabas's  Epistle,  its  date  ascertained     -  -  -  -34,35 

Basil  the  Great,  or  Eustathius  of  Sebastea,  an  ad\  ocate  for  end- 
less misery  .  .  _  .  .  .  .    172 
Bostra,  situation  of             ......  169 

Calvin  and  Augustine,  difference  between  their  c'octrines        -        260,  261 
Carpocratians  charged,   perhaps  fal^sely,  with  holding  a  commu- 
nity of  women  ......  4^ 

Cave's  and  Huet's  mistakes  in  saying-  that  AthcUiasius  censured  Origen  165 
Ceillier's  dising-enuous  evasion  about  Titus  of  Rostra's  Universalism      170 
Clemens  Alexandriuus  accused,  by  Daille  and  archbishop  Potter, 

of  Universalism  ------        69 

''  "  on  the  preaching- of  the  g-ospel  to  the  ante- 

diluvians among  the  dead       -----  73 

"  "  his  application  of  the  word  everlasting  to  death     74 

"  '*  catalogue  of  his  works  extant  -  77,  78 

Clemens  Romanus's  second  Epistle,  a  forgery      .  -  -  27 

Converts  of  other  religious  generally  retain  some  of  their  former  notions  260 

Daille  and  archbishop  Potter  accuse  Clemens  Alexandrinus  of 

Universalism         --.--..69 

Demetrius's  motives  in  persecuting  Origen  -  -  -  94 

Domitian  of  Ancyra's  book,  complaining  of  the  enemies  of  Uni- 
versalism .-.---  283,284 

Doucin's  Hibtorie  de  TOrigenisme  .  .  -  -  147 


324  INDEX 

Epiphanius,  date  cf  part  of  his  work  against  heretics  -  -      178 

Eunomius  falsely  accused,  by  some,  of  denying  the  reahty  of  fu- 
ture punishment  .--■--   206,  207 

Eusebius  Pamphilus  and  Pamphilus  accused  of  Universalism,   by 

Jerome  and  an  anonymous  author  .  .  .  .       158 

Eustathius  of  Sebastea,  or  Basil  the  Great,  a  believer  in  endless  misery  172 

Fifth  General   Council,  whether  it  debated  and  determined  the 

affair  of  Origenism      ------  297 

Germanus  of  Constantinople  c-t'--  p's   to  clear  Gregory  Nyssen 

from  the  imputation  of  Universalism  -  -  -      186,187 

Gnostics,  modern  authorities  for  their  history  -  -  -         39 

"         some  of  them  perhai  s  held  two  original  self-existent  Beings        40 
"        charged,  perhaps  falsely,  with  licentiousness  ;  op  n.ons  cf 

modem  historians  on  this  point  -  -  -  -  41^  42 

Gregory  Nyssen,  catalogue  cf  the  works  in  which  he  asserts  Universalism  190 

Gregory  Thauiuciiui  g  is,  his  fabulous  biography'  by  Gregory  Nyssen       130 
''  "  pieces  falsely  attributen  to  him         -  130,131 

"  "  is  said  to  have  erred  with  Origen  -  131 

Hermas's  Shepherd,  its  author  and  date        -  -  -  37^  38 

Hermias's  work  against  the  philosophers,  its  uncertain  date         -  52 

Huetii  Origeniana,  and  other  histories  of  Origenism         -  -  147 

Huet's  and  Cave's  mistake  in  Sciviiig  that  Athanasius  censured  Origen  165 
Huet  and  Du  Pin  say  that  Jerome  hecatily  adcpiea  Origen's  doctrine     199 

Ignatius's  route  from  Antioch  to  Rome  -  -  -  -     30 

"  Epistles  much  altered  5  which  copy  is  preferred  -  30 

Jerome's  qnarrol  wth  tie  Origenists  cf  Rome  and  Egypt  before 

he  denounced  Origen             -             .             .             .             .  175 

"            works  advocating  Universalism.     His  denial  of  the  doctrine  199 

"            insult  of  Vigilantius            -----  226 

*'             catalogue  of  Origen's  errors  in  his  Epist.  ad  Avitum  246 

''            intimation  of  Universalism,  after  his  quarrel  with  Rufinus  247,  248 

John  St.  dates  of  h.s  1  1  i  th'.^ ,  Go^jv  1  and  Revelation              -            -  29 

Laura  of  Succa,  its  situation  -----  280 

Leontius  and  Nonnus,  evidence  that  they  were  Universalists        -  281 

Licentiousness  alleged  against  the  ancient  Gnostics,  doubtful  41,  42 

Manicheans,  their  notion  of  the  servitude  of  the  will  nearly  the 

same  with  Augustine's  -  -  .  .  .     143^  144 


TO  THE  NOTES.  325 

Manichcans,  authorities  for  their  history         ....  145 

Mai-cionit:3S  held  perhaps  two  original,  self-existent  Beings          -  40 

Miluer's  (Rev.  Joseph)  commendation  of  Cyprian's  inhumanity        -  135 

''  "  "  of  the  persecution  of  Clement  by  Boniface  305 

Neocesarea,  or  Tsiksar,  modern  description  of        -            -            -  129 

iNitria,  its  situation          ...---  176 

Nonnus  and  Lepntlus,  evidence  that  they  were  Universalists         -  281 
Novatus,  or  Novatian,  his  liberal  views  of  the  divine  character. 

His  Life  and  Followers            -----  132 

Origcn,  his  character  as  a  philosopher            -            -            -            -  85 

"         his  argument  against    the  Gnostics,  for  the   benevolent 

nature  of  Justice          ......  97 

''         his  belief  in  the  fall  of  souls  hereafter,  from  heaven  ;   but 

also  in  the  ultimate  permanency  and  universality  of  happiness  99 
"         his  sacrificing   to  idols,    and   composing  a  Lamentation 

thereon,  a  falsehood            .....  102 

''        his  Hexapla,  Tetrapla,  Octapla    -              ...  105 
"        his  Letter  to  Fabian  on  his  orthodoxy,    and  Iiis  denial  of 

the  salvation  of  the  devil  -  -         107,108 

•'         number  of  volumes  he  published,  and  the  remains  of  them  110 
''         table  of  references  to  those  passages  in  wliich  he  teaches 
Universalism            ......         111,112 

''         collection  of  the  principal  texts  he  used  in  support    of 

Universalism  .....  115,  116,  117 

"         modem  histories  of  his  doctrine       ...            -  147 
"         Apology  for  him,  by  an  anonymous  author        -            -  268 
'•         whether  he,   his  doctrine,   and  his  followers  were  con- 
demned by  the  Fifth  General  Council            -            -            -  297 
Origeniani  mentioned  by  Epiphanius             ....  176 

Paley's  mistake  about  the  Sibylline  Oracles            -            -            -  63 

Pamphilus  and  Eusebius  accused  of  Universalism  by  Jerome,  &c.  158 
Paulicians,  their  connexion  \vith  the  forerunners  of  the  Reformation  307,  308 

Photius's  account  of  Theodorus  of  Mopsuestia's  Treatise              -  265 

Polycarp's  Epistle,  contrary  opinions  concerning  its  genuineness  32 

''         probably  not  the  angel  of  the  Church  in  Smyrna,  address- 
ed in  (he  Revelation            .....  32 

'^         and  Anicetus  disagree  on  the  time  for  holding  Easter  51 

Potter  and  Daille  accuse  Clemens  Alexandrinus  of  Universalism  69 

Resurrection  of  saints  only,  held  perhaps  in  common  by  some  of 

the  early  christians  and  by  the  Pharisees            -           -           •^  33 


32G  INDEX  TO  THE  NOTES. 

Kufinus  mcoiTectly  accused  by  Huet  of  insinuating  the  salvation 

of  all  men       '     -  -' 2C0 

Jliist's  (Bishop)  Letter  of  Resolution  concerning  Origen  •  -     147 

Satuminians  held  perhaps  two  original,  self  existent  Beings  -  40 

Succa,  Laura  of,  its  situation     .  -  -  -  - 


-  580 


80 
258 


Tertullian  asserted  future  happiness  and  misery  to  be   of  equal 
duration  ...  -  ... 

Theodorus  of  3Iop$ucstia  perhaps  the  author  of  Pelagianism 

•'         is  praised  by  modern  ecclesiastical  historians  lor  his  good  sense  263 
account  of  his  works  .  -  -  -  -.65,  ^GG 

Theophilus,  of  Alexandria  threatened  witii  a  citation  before  a 

(Joneral  Council  ------  ^^4» 

Tillcmont  acknowledges  that  Titus  of  Bostra  held  Univcrsalism     169,  170 

Vigilantius  insulted  by  Jerome  -  -  -  "  '       ^^" 

AVhitfield's  high  Calvinism  the  occasion  of  the  rise  of  the   sect  of  ^^^ 

Uuiversalists  under  Relly,  in  England  -  -  '^^'''  ^^^ 


Errata.— Page  17,  line  2  from  the  bottom, — for  12,  read  13.  Page  44, 
line  7  from  the  bottom, — for  cotempory,  read  cotemporary.  Page  52,  line 
16  from  the  top, — for  Theophykis,  read  TVieophilus.  Page  71,  lino  17 
from  the  top, — for  interets,  read  interests.  Page  99,  line  9  Vrom  the  top, 
— for  hecavie,  read  become.  Page  102,  line  20  from  the  top. — for  thdr, 
read  his.  Page  128,  line  14  from  top, — for  Friviilian.  read  Firmilian.  In 
ff  few  of  the  -impressions  the  folloicwir  errors  escaped:  Page  63,  line  13  from 
the  top, — Asia  Minior  for  Asia  Riinor.  Page  108,  line  4  from  top  <  f  the 
rs'ote, —  Velentinian  for  Valentinian.  Page  123,  line  12  from  top,  JeruraUm 
for  Jenisalem. 


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